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Softpanorama
(slightly skeptical)
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May the
source be with you,
but remember the KISS principle ;-)
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Softpanorama Lysenkoism and PseudoScience Bulletin, 2005
NEW YORK -- Judith
Miller, the mousy Bush Administration propaganda mouthpiece forced to retire
from The New York Times last week, is hardly an anomaly. American journalism
is contaminated by widespread institutional corruption. Yet coming on the
heels of the same paper's humiliation by phony reporter Jayson Blair and
Stephen Glass' reign of error at The New Republic, the Miller mess' further
contribution to the media's ever-diminishing credibility--the Gallup
poll finds that 49 percent of Americans consider the news mostly or
completely unreliable--has prompted industry insiders to propose
cures so toothless that they only expose the cluelessness of those proposing
them.
Is intelligent design New form of Lysenkoism ??? One key element of
Lysenkoism: government and pro-government media support (Fox with
Pat
Roberson, as well as other Christian fundamentalists) are definitely in.
By Harold Morowitz, Robert Hazen and James Trefil
The Chronicle of Higher Eduction
02 September 2005
Issue
Volume 52, Issue
2, Page B6
Scientists who
teach evolution sometimes feel as if they are trapped in an old horror film
- the kind where the monster is killed repeatedly, only to come to life in a
nastier form each time. Since the Scopes trial in 1925, the battle between
scientists who want to teach mainstream biology in American public schools,
and creationists who want to promulgate a more religious view, has gone
through several cycles.
In McLean v.
Arkansas Board of Education in 1982, a federal court ruled that the
introduction of creationism into public-school curricula constituted the
establishment of religion, and hence was expressly forbidden by the First
Amendment. That decision dealt a serious (though by no means fatal)
blow to old-line creationism and its close cousin, so-called creation
science. But another variant of creationism, so-called intelligent design,
has cropped up. At least 19 states are now debating its use in public
education, and President Bush commented in August that he thought both
evolution and intelligent design "ought to be properly taught."
Many people fail
to understand the subtle but important differences between the new and old
forms of creationism, and the different debates those approaches engender.
Like the French generals who used tactics from World War I to face the Nazis
in 1939, some educators seem intent on fighting the last war.
A word about the
authors of this essay: Although our areas of expertise differ, all of us
have investigated aspects of life's origin and evolution. In addition, our
political views span the spectrum from liberal Democrat to conservative
Republican. Thus the essay does not represent any particular ideological or
disciplinary viewpoint. We are united in our concern that the science
curriculum, from kindergarten through university, should reflect the best
and most up-to-date scholarship.
Consider, then,
several different theories of life's origin and evolution. The main theories
are those of miraculous creation and of sequential origins. Within the
theories of sequential origins are the theories of intelligent design and of
emergent complexity, and the latter can in turn be divided into the theories
of frozen accident and of deterministic origins. The debate surrounding each
pair focuses on a different aspect of the nature of science.
Miraculous
creation versus sequential origins. Was the origin of life a miracle, or did
it conform to natural law - and how can we tell? Many different versions of
the doctrine of miraculous creation exist, but the one that is most at odds
with modern science is called "young Earth creationism" and is based on a
literal reading of the Bible. According to the supporters of that theory,
our planet and its life-forms were created more or less in their present
forms in a miraculous act about 10,000 years ago.
Young Earth
creationism is in direct conflict with scientific measurements of the age of
rocks, the thickness of polar ice sheets, the expansion of the universe, and
numerous other indicators of our planet's great antiquity.
One unusual
solution to that disparity was proposed in a book by Philip Gosse, called
Omphalos, which was published two years before Darwin's On the Origin of
Species. The word "omphalos" means navel in Greek, and Gosse argued that
Adam was created with a navel, even though he had never been inside a womb.
From that insight has flowed the so-called doctrine of created antiquity
(Gosse actually called it Pre-Chronism), which states that although Earth
was created 10,000 years ago, it was created to look as if it were much
older. Are some stars more than 10,000 light-years away? The universe was
created with light from those stars already on its way to Earth. And what
about those apparently ancient rocks? The universe was created with just the
right mixtures of potassium-40 and argon to make the rocks appear much older
than they really are.
It is impossible
to conceive of any experiment or observation that could prove the doctrine
of created antiquity wrong. Any result, no matter what it was, could be
explained by saying "the universe was just created that way."
In fact, that
property of young Earth creationism proved to be its Achilles' heel. Every
scientific theory must be testable by observation or experiment - or it
cannot be considered science. In principle, it must be possible to imagine
outcomes that would prove the theory wrong. In the words of Karl Popper,
scientific theories must be falsifiable, even if they are not false. Popper
said that a theory that cannot be overturned by experimental data is not a
part of experimental science.
Created antiquity
is not falsifiable. The teaching of young Earth creationism, along with any
other doctrine based on a miraculous creation of life, was prohibited in
public schools not because the theory was proved wrong but because it simply
is not science. It is, as the court in McLean v. Arkansas Board of Education
recognized, a religious doctrine, untestable by the techniques of science.
Once we discard
the theories of miraculous creation, we are left with the theories of
sequential origins.
Intelligent design
versus emergent complexity. The theory of intelligent design, or ID, is a
theory of sequential origins, but it is also the latest attack on the idea
that the origin and evolution of life follow natural laws. Like created
antiquity, ID has a long intellectual pedigree. The English philosopher
William Paley first espoused it in 1802, arguing that if you found a watch
in a field, you would conclude that it had been designed by some
intelligence rather than assembled by chance. In the same way, the argument
goes, the intricate universe in which we live reflects the mind of an
intelligent maker.
The modern theory
of intelligent design is more sophisticated than Paley's argument, although
it derives from much the same kind of reasoning. It is anchored in a concept
called "irreducible complexity" - the idea that organisms possess many
complicated structures, which are essential to the organism's survival but
which are useless unless all the structures are present. The chance of
Darwinian evolution's producing so many such structures and of their
existing simultaneously, according to the theory, is so small that they must
have been produced by an intelligent designer.
Intelligent design
challenges the conventional wisdom in origin-of-life research that life is a
prime example of so-called emergent complexity. All around us are complex
systems that arise when energy flows through a collection of particles, like
living cells or grains of sand. Ant colonies, slime molds, sand dunes,
spiral galaxies, traffic jams, and human consciousness are examples of such
systems. Although scientists have yet to produce a living system in the
laboratory, most origin-of-life researchers are optimistic that one day we
will be able to do so, or at least to understand how life first emerged from
inorganic materials.
The supporters of
intelligent design resort to the same kind of argument that creationists
have used for decades, identifying some biological structure and claiming
that it is irreducibly complex. Then supporters of emergent complexity have
to analyze that structure and show that its complexity arises naturally. For
example, 20 years ago, the predecessors of ID advocates pointed to the
modern whale as an example of what would be called irreducible complexity
today (that term wasn't used then). The whale, they argued, is a form so
specialized that it could not possibly have been produced by Darwinian
evolution.
Alan Haywood,
author of Creation and Evolution, put it this way: "Darwinists rarely
mention the whale because it presents them with one of their most insoluble
problems. They believe that somehow a whale must have evolved from an
ordinary land-dwelling animal, which took to the sea and lost its legs. ...
A land mammal that was in the process of becoming a whale would fall between
two stools - it would not be fitted for life on land or at sea, and would
have no hope for survival."
The power of
science is that, faced with such a challenge, one can test the relevant
theory. The theory of evolution predicts that whales with atrophied hind
legs must have once swum in the seas. If Darwin is correct, then those
whales' fossils must lie buried somewhere. Furthermore, those strange
creatures must have arisen during a relatively narrow interval of geological
time, after the evolution of the earliest known marine mammals (about 60
million years ago) and before the appearance of the streamlined whales of
the present era (which show up in the fossil record during the past 30
million years). Armed with those conclusions, paleontologists searched
shallow marine formations from 35 million to 55 million years in age. Sure
enough, in the past decade the scientists have excavated dozens of those
"missing links" in the development of the whale - curious creatures that
sport combinations of anatomical features characteristic of land and sea
mammals.
But there's always
another challenge to evolution, always another supposed example of
irreducible complexity. At the present time the poster child of intelligent
design is the flagellum of a bacterium. That complex structure in bacterial
walls features a corkscrew-shaped fiber that rotates, propelling the
bacterium through the water. Obviously, a completely functioning flagellum
is very useful, but it is also obvious that all its parts have to be present
for it to function. A nonmoving corkscrew, for example, would be useless and
would confer no evolutionary advantage on its own. Roughly 50 molecules are
involved in constructing the flagellum, so the probability of all the parts'
coming together by chance seems infinitesimally small.
However, that
intelligent-design argument contains a hidden assumption: that all parts of
a complex structure must have had the same function throughout the history
of the development of the organism. In fact, it is quite common for
structures to have one function at one time and be adapted for quite another
use later on. A land animal's legs become a whale's flippers. An insect may
develop bumps on the side of its body to help it get rid of internal heat,
but when the bumps get big enough, they may help the insect glide or fly,
thus opening up an entirely new ecological niche for exploitation. That
process is so common that evolutionary scientists have given it a name:
exaptation.
No evolutionary
theorist would suggest that something as complex as the flagellum appeared
ab initio. Instead, it was assembled from parts that had developed for other
uses. For example, some molecules produce energy by rotating, a normal
procedure within cells. Other molecules have a shape that makes them ideal
for moving materials across cell membranes. The flagellum's building blocks
include both types of molecules. Instead of being assembled from scratch,
then, the flagellum is put together from a stock of already existing parts,
each of which evolved to carry out a completely different task. The
flagellum may be complicated, but it is not irreducibly complex.
An important
distinction between the theories of intelligent design and miraculous
creation is that the former makes predictions that can be tested. The
problem with ID, at least so far, is that when statements like the one
claiming irreducible complexity for the flagellum are put to the test, they
turn out to be wrong.
That distinction
means that we should use different methods to counter intelligent design
than those that defeated young Earth creationism. The more thoughtful
advocates of intelligent design accept many of the tenets of Darwinism - the
idea that living things have changed over time, for example. Although the
motive of some ID proponents may be to re-introduce God into the debate
about the origin of life, their arguments can be met with scientific, not
legal, rebuttals. That is good news: They are playing on our field.
Frozen accident
versus deterministic origins. The last pair of theories are both subsets of
emergent complexity, and both fall within the scientific mainstream; the
debate here is about whether life had to develop the way it did, or whether
it could have turned out differently. A number of distinguished scientists
see the development of life on our planet as a series of accidental, perhaps
improbable, events that became locked into the structures of living things -
what have been termed "frozen accidents." In the words of the most eloquent
advocate for that point of view, the late Stephen Jay Gould, if you played
the tape again, you would get a different set of accidents, and hence a
different outcome. Therefore life may be rare in the universe, and the way
it began and evolved on Earth may be unique.
Other scientists
see life's chemical origin and many of its subsequent evolutionary steps as
inevitable - a cosmic imperative. Indeed, much modern research on the origin
of life is devoted to showing precisely how living things arose from
inanimate matter through the action of the ordinary laws of chemistry and
physics. That more deterministic view of life's origin and evolution means
scientists are more likely to eventually understand the details of life's
emergence, and it includes the testable prediction that similar life-forms
exist on many other planets throughout the universe.
It seems to us
that the frozen-accident theory of life's origin is at best unsatisfying,
and may be unworthy of the scientific way of approaching the world. To say
that a natural process is random is, in effect, an act of surrender,
something that should be done only as a last resort. If you read the
frozen-accident literature carefully, you often get the feeling that what is
really being said is: "My friends and I can't figure out why things happened
this way, so it must have been random."
Another aspect of
the frozen-accident school of thought has unfortunate consequences for the
educational system. Random events are, by definition, not reproducible. That
makes them disturbingly similar to the unknowable interventions posited by
intelligent design. Is there really much difference between irreproducible
random events and irreproducible acts of God? We should note, however, that
proponents of the frozen-accident theory make no claims of divine
intervention, while advocates of intelligent design do move on to
theological arguments.
Although both the
theories of frozen accident and deterministic origins have their supporters,
virtually all scientists who work in the field believe that once living
things appeared on our planet, the Darwinian process of natural selection
guided their development. There is no disagreement on that point, although
there is - and should be - vigorous debate on the details of the way natural
selection has worked.
Shouldn't we just
teach the debates? That is the rallying cry of intelligent-design advocates.
Having learned their lesson in Arkansas in 1982, they no longer demand that
schools teach the theory of miraculous creation. Instead they say that
students should be told that legitimate alternatives to Darwinian evolution
exist, and thus biology classes should include the theory of intelligent
design.
That argument has
an apparent fairness that is hard to resist, especially for academics who
believe that, at least in the sciences, subjects should be approached with
an open mind and critical thinking. But the idea of "teaching the debate"
founders on two points.
First, there
really is no debate in the mainstream literature. The vast majority of
scientists who study the origin of life accept the idea of nonmiraculous
origins without any reservations. Only creationists support the theory of
intelligent design.
Second, American
students, from kindergarten to university, spend far too little time as it
is studying science. We shouldn't teach them about intelligent design for
the same reason that we don't teach them that Earth is flat, or that flies
are produced by spontaneous generation from rotting meat. It's bad science,
and the curriculum has no room for bad science.
Our educational
system produces citizens who are ill prepared to deal with a world
increasingly dominated by scientific and technological advances. If we were
to "teach the debate," what should we remove from the already inadequate
curriculum to make room for an idea that has yet to meet even the most
rudimentary scientific tests? Should we neglect the environment? Energy?
Genetics? Most high-school biology courses devote a pitifully small amount
of time to evolution, which is arguably the most important idea in the life
sciences. Should we dilute that instruction even further?
The time to
discuss altering the curriculum is when the theory of intelligent design
reaches the point where it has serious arguments and data to put forward -
to the point, in other words, where there is a significant debate among
scientists.
-------
Harold
Morowitz, Robert Hazen, and James Trefil are, respectively, the Clarence J.
Robinson Professors of biology and natural philosophy, earth sciences, and
physics at George Mason University.
I'd like to nominate Irving Kristol, the
neoconservative former editor of The Public Interest, as the father of
"intelligent design." No, he didn't play any role in developing the
doctrine. But he is the father of the political strategy that lies behind
the intelligent design movement - a strategy that has been used with great
success by the economic right and has now been adopted by the religious
right.Back in 1978 Mr. Kristol urged
corporations to make "philanthropic contributions to scholars and
institutions who are likely to advocate preservation of a strong private
sector." That was delicately worded, but the clear implication was that
corporations that didn't like the results of academic research, however
valid, should support people willing to say something more to their liking.
Mr. Kristol led by example, using The Public
Interest to promote supply-side economics, a doctrine whose central claim -
that tax cuts have such miraculous positive effects on the economy that they
pay for themselves - has never been backed by evidence. He would later
concede, or perhaps boast, that he had a "cavalier attitude toward the
budget deficit."
"Political effectiveness was the priority,"
he wrote in 1995, "not the accounting deficiencies of government."
Corporations followed his lead, pouring a
steady stream of money into think tanks that created a sort of parallel
intellectual universe, a world of "scholars" whose careers are based on
toeing an ideological line, rather than on doing research that stands up to
scrutiny by their peers.
You might have thought that a strategy of
creating doubt about inconvenient research results could work only in soft
fields like economics. But it turns out that the strategy works equally well
when deployed against the hard sciences.
The most spectacular example is the campaign
to discredit research on global warming. Despite an overwhelming scientific
consensus, many people have the impression that the issue is still
unresolved. This impression reflects the assiduous work of conservative
think tanks, which produce and promote skeptical reports that look like
peer-reviewed research, but aren't. And behind it all lies lavish financing
from the energy industry, especially ExxonMobil.
There are several reasons why fake research
is so effective. One is that nonscientists sometimes find it hard to tell
the difference between research and advocacy - if it's got numbers and
charts in it, doesn't that make it science?
Even when reporters do know the difference,
the conventions of he-said-she-said journalism get in the way of conveying
that knowledge to readers. I once joked that if President Bush said that the
Earth was flat, the headlines of news articles would read, "Opinions Differ
on Shape of the Earth." The headlines on many articles about the intelligent
design controversy come pretty close.
Finally, the self-policing nature of science
- scientific truth is determined by peer review, not public opinion - can be
exploited by skilled purveyors of cultural resentment. Do virtually all
biologists agree that Darwin was right? Well, that just shows that they're
elitists who think they're smarter than the rest of us.
Which brings us, finally, to intelligent
design. Some of America's most powerful politicians have a deep hatred for
Darwinism. Tom DeLay, the House majority leader, blamed the theory of
evolution for the Columbine school shootings. But sheer political power
hasn't been enough to get creationism into the school curriculum. The theory
of evolution has overwhelming scientific support, and the country isn't
ready - yet - to teach religious doctrine in public schools.
But what if creationists do to evolutionary
theory what corporate interests did to global warming: create a widespread
impression that the scientific consensus has shaky foundations?
Creationists failed when they pretended to be
engaged in science, not religious indoctrination: "creation science" was too
crude to fool anyone. But intelligent design, which spreads doubt about
evolution without being too overtly religious, may succeed where creation
science failed.
The important thing to remember is that like
supply-side economics or global-warming skepticism, intelligent design
doesn't have to attract significant support from actual researchers to be
effective. All it has to do is create confusion, to make it seem as if there
really is a controversy about the validity of evolutionary theory. That,
together with the political muscle of the religious right, may be enough to
start a process that ends with banishing Darwin from the classroom.
[May 7, 2005]
Guardian
Unlimited Richard Popkin (Dec 27 1923; died Apr 14 2005)
Obit: Richard Popkin, a philosopher who foresaw the rise of religious
fundamentalism in the U.S.
... best known for his work on scepticism, and especially for
his classic study The History Of Scepticism From Erasmus To Descartes
(1960).
In making his case for this central contribution to the development
of modern science and philosophy, Popkin gave attention to the
intellectual context of the time, especially the role of religious
disputes in the take-up of philosophical scepticism deriving from the
discipline's Greek founder, Pyhrro. Instead of treating the history of
science and philosophy as a series of breakthroughs by canonical
figures, Popkin sought to view the thought of the past from within its
own framework.
... ... ...
Popkin also achieved fame with The Second Oswald (1966), the book in
which he disputed the findings of the Warren commission that Kennedy was
killed by a lone assassin. He foresaw the rise of religious
fundamentalism in the United States and the Middle East, contributing an
analysis of its American dimension in Messianic Revolution (1998,
co-authored with David Katz).
· Richard Henry Popkin, philosopher, born December 27 1923;
died April 14 2005
At this point, the scene essentially shifts
to the United States. Chapter 6 traces one stream of apocalyptic beliefs
from the followers of William Miller in upstate New York, who believed they
would be carried off into Heaven in 1843, or 1844 at the latest, to the
modern-day Seventh Day Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses, and Branch Davidians.
Chapter 7 follows the adventures of the idea that the Lost Ten Tribes wound
up in the British Isles, and that Anglo-Saxons are therefore actually the
Chosen People, or at least a branch of them. Originally a harmless piece of
Victorian eccentricity, after crossing the Atlantic it mutated into the
virulently racist and anti-Semitic doctrine known as
Christian Identity, a substantial fraction of whose followers regard
terrorism as a legitimate preparation for the imminent apocalyptic racial
wars. The last chapter follows millenarian beliefs among Fundamentalist and
Evangelical Protestants, most prominently the notion that Armageddon will be
an actual nuclear war sparked by a Russian or Arab attack on Israel. When
Ronald Reagan was lucid enough to grasp such ideas, he found them at the
very least plausible, and said as much before and during his presidency.
Despite the end of the Cold War, such ideas continue to be popular among the
religious right.
Messianic Revolution is neither so focused nor so encyclopedic as its title suggests. Many
of the movements and people discussed are not revolutionary (Newton, for
instance, or the Seventh Day Adventists). Movements which, like
Nazism, have the look and feel of messianic revolutions are excluded if they
happen not to be Christian, or even if they simply happen not to be big in
the United States. Still, any attempt to tell the millenarian story
within a brief compass will have to be drastically selective, and Katz and
Popkin's selections are sensible, instructive ones. Their book is readable,
intelligent, even sporadically witty. It gets the big points right, and
manages to convey a sense of the continued vitality of strange ideas out of
the deeps of the past. For anyone curious about millenarian ideas --- even
believers who wonder about rival apocalypses --- this is a fine place to
start.
First, many educated people seem
to be getting their news from Comedy Central. Say what? As any
author will tell you, the best TV book shows to be on have long
been Don Imus, Charlie Rose, C-Span, Tim Russert on CNBC,
"Today," Oprah and selected programs on CNN, Fox and MSNBC. They
are all still huge. But what was new for me on this tour was the
number of people who also mentioned getting their news from Jon
Stewart's truly funny news satire, "The Daily Show." And I am
not just talking about college kids. I am talking about
grandmas. Just how many people are now getting their only TV
news from Comedy Central is not clear to me - but it is a lot,
lot more than you think.
A lot of things now so deeply crazy, so unhinged, such
a brew of religiosity and hypocrisy and tabloid sensationalism,
just maybe it is clueing people in to where the religious
right's moral triumphalism is leading us.”
-- Katha Pollitt, The Nation
To the Editor:
"In the Name of Politics," by John C. Danforth (Op-Ed, March 30), was
a candle in the darkness.
There are many in this country who have been alarmed by the influence
that conservative Christians have with the Bush administration, as well
as by the seemingly steady erosion of the separation of church and
state, a cornerstone of liberty in our country.
Mr. Danforth's Republican credentials are impeccable. He was a
conservative voice in the Senate and an able representative at the
United Nations. He is also an Episcopal minister.
It is refreshing, therefore, to read his staunch defense of stem cell
research, and his concern that his party's longtime agenda of limited
government and lower deficits has become secondary to the agenda of the
Christian conservatives.
If there are more Republicans out there who agree with Senator
Danforth, let their voices be heard now.
Philip Birnbaum
Brooklyn, March 30, 2005
To the Editor:
I'll be voting for Democrats from now on. The Democrats now stand for
fiscal responsibility, limited government interference in our private
lives, separation of church and state, and business policies that help
all Americans.
I share John C. Danforth's concerns. As a Christian, I'm fed up with
the hard-right Christian conservative agenda that is taking this country
away from its tremendous past.
In the past, America was the moral leader of the world.
Now we look for ways around the Geneva Conventions so we can torture
prisoners legally. It is disgusting.
Kyle Cole
Atlanta, March 30, 2005
By JOHN C. DANFORTH John C. Danforth, a former United States senator from Missouri,
resigned in January as United States ambassador to the United Nations.
He is an Episcopal minister.
St. Louis — BY a series of recent initiatives,
Republicans have transformed our party into the political arm of
conservative Christians. The elements of this transformation have
included advocacy of a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage,
opposition to stem cell research involving both frozen embryos and human
cells in petri dishes, and the extraordinary effort to keep Terri
Schiavo hooked up to a feeding tube.
Standing alone, each of these initiatives has its advocates, within
the Republican Party and beyond. But the distinct elements do not stand
alone. Rather they are parts of a larger package, an agenda of positions
common to conservative Christians and the dominant wing of the
Republican Party.
Christian activists, eager to take credit for recent electoral
successes, would not be likely to concede that Republican adoption of
their political agenda is merely the natural convergence of conservative
religious and political values. Correctly, they would see a causal
relationship between the activism of the churches and the responsiveness
of Republican politicians. In turn, pragmatic Republicans would agree
that motivating Christian conservatives has contributed to their
successes.
High-profile Republican efforts to prolong the life of Ms. Schiavo,
including departures from Republican principles like approving
Congressional involvement in private decisions and empowering a federal
court to overrule a state court, can rightfully be interpreted as
yielding to the pressure of religious power blocs.
In my state, Missouri, Republicans in the General Assembly have
advanced legislation to criminalize even stem cell research in which the
cells are artificially produced in petri dishes and will never be
transplanted into the human uterus. They argue that such cells are human
life that must be protected, by threat of criminal prosecution, from
promising research on diseases like Alzheimer's, Parkinson's and
juvenile diabetes.
It is not evident to many of us that cells in a petri dish are
equivalent to identifiable people suffering from terrible diseases. I am
and have always been pro-life. But the only explanation for legislators
comparing cells in a petri dish to babies in the womb is the extension
of religious doctrine into statutory law.
I do not fault religious people for political action. Since Moses
confronted the pharaoh, faithful people have heard God's call to
political involvement. Nor has political action been unique to
conservative Christians. Religious liberals have been politically active
in support of gay rights and against nuclear weapons and the death
penalty. In America, everyone has the right to try to influence
political issues, regardless of his religious motivations.
The problem is not with people or churches that are politically
active. It is with a party that has gone so far in adopting a sectarian
agenda that it has become the political extension of a religious
movement.
When government becomes the means of carrying out a religious
program, it raises obvious questions under the First Amendment. But even
in the absence of constitutional issues, a political party should resist
identification with a religious movement. While religions are free to
advocate for their own sectarian causes, the work of government and
those who engage in it is to hold together as one people a very diverse
country. At its best, religion can be a uniting influence, but in
practice, nothing is more divisive. For politicians to advance the cause
of one religious group is often to oppose the cause of another.
Take stem cell research. Criminalizing the work of scientists doing
such research would give strong support to one religious doctrine, and
it would punish people who believe it is their religious duty to use
science to heal the sick.
During the 18 years I served in the Senate, Republicans often
disagreed with each other. But there was much that held us together. We
believed in limited government, in keeping light the burden of taxation
and regulation. We encouraged the private sector, so that a free economy
might thrive. We believed that judges should interpret the law, not
legislate. We were internationalists who supported an engaged foreign
policy, a strong national defense and free trade. These were principles
shared by virtually all Republicans.
But in recent times, we Republicans have allowed this shared agenda
to become secondary to the agenda of Christian conservatives. As a
senator, I worried every day about the size of the federal deficit. I
did not spend a single minute worrying about the effect of gays on the
institution of marriage. Today it seems to be the other way around.
The historic principles of the Republican Party offer America its
best hope for a prosperous and secure future. Our current fixation on a
religious agenda has turned us in the wrong direction. It is time for
Republicans to rediscover our roots.
To the Editor:
It
was refreshing to read the last sentence of "An Unexpected
Softness" (editorial, March 28): "We wake up thinking we know
what we know, only to find that we have to think all over
again."
In contrast to the unbending ideology of religious
fundamentalism, it is science - driven by technological advances
- that provides us with rational answers.
Those with open minds can embrace such newly found knowledge
and alter their ideologies. As an educator, I urge my students
not to be afraid of such changes, because they lead to mental
evolution.
Those who embrace religious fundamentalism (including
President Bush and his right-wing allies in Congress) are
typically afraid of change and often reluctant to accept
scientific knowledge they perceive to be a threat to their
faith-based principles.
What worries me most is that if left unchallenged,
these
religious zealots will turn our nation from a democracy into a
theocracy.
Michael Hadjiargyrou
Stony Brook, N.Y., March 28, 2005
The writer is an associate professor of biomedical
engineering, genetics, and orthopedics, SUNY, Stony Brook.
Education funding would be cut beginning next
year, and the cuts would grow larger in succeeding years... It was
Herbert Hoover who said: "You know, the only trouble with capitalism is
capitalists. They're too damn greedy."
While the press and the public are distracted
by one sensational news story after another - Terri Schiavo, Michael
Jackson, steroids in baseball, etc. - the president and his party have
continued their extraordinary campaign to undermine the programs that were
designed to fend off destitution and provide a reasonable foundation of
economic security for those not blessed with great wealth.
... ... ...
Education funding would be cut
beginning next year, and the cuts would grow larger in succeeding years.
Food assistance for pregnant women, infants and children would be cut.
Funding for H.I.V. and AIDS treatment would be cut by more than half a
billion dollars over five years. Support for environmental protection
programs would be sharply curtailed. And so on
... ... ...
This is not a huge national story. It's just
the way things are. It was Herbert Hoover who said: "You know, the
only trouble with capitalism is capitalists. They're too damn greedy."
Have you noticed how often the name George W.
Bush is associated with going backwards in time? Backwards in the field of
civil rights, where NAACP president Kweisi Mfume said last year, "We've got a
president that's prepared to take us back to the days of Jim Crow segregation
and dominance." Backwards on the rights of workers, as union leader Douglas
Dority said, "The Bush Administration would take us back to the 19th century
. . ."
Then there's the environment, where Al Gore
has accused Bush of "threatening to take us back to the days when America's
rivers and lakes were dying, when the skylines were some days not visible
because of smog, and when toxic waste threatened so many communities around
America."
There is more, of course: Bush has frequently
been accused of trying to take us back to the 19th Century on taxation, to
the 1950s on the Cold War and to the early 1930s on Social Security. Try
Googling "Bush" and "take us back."
You'll find references to all of above and many, many more -- over 22,000
hits in total, when I checked.
But if you ask me, these examples all miss the
point. Bush isn't trying to take us back to the 20th Century, the 19th
Century or even the 18th Century. He has his eye on a much bigger prize -- a
journey all the way back to the 14th or 15th Century -- well before the age
of The Enlightenment.
The Enlightenment's guiding principle, after
all, was dedication to scientific truth and human reason over dogma,
especially religious dogma -- a view now widely accepted among non
fundamentalist religious faiths.
One of Pope John Paul's greatest achievements
has involved his imperfect, yet profoundly important, efforts to mend the
traditional divisions between science and the Church. In confessing the
Church's wrongs against Galileo, for example, the Pope established the
doctrine that faith can never be allowed to conflict with reason. In short,
religious faith must be prepared to accept the discoveries of science, even
when those discoveries seem inconsistent with existing doctrine, as was true
when Galileo supported the Copernican system of heavenly bodies rather than
the Ptolemaic system handed down from Aristotle.
It's also worth noting
that the Enlightenment's commitment to reason over blind faith was the
motivating philosophy for most of the men who wrote the Constitution of the
United States.
Yet, within the increasingly "faith based"
Bush administration, scientific truth has become an endangered species. At
the recent meeting of the American Association for Advancement of Science,
speakers expressed grave concern over the many ways this administration is
stifling the scientific voice. Scientists are being ignored in policy
discussions, funding for basic scientific research is being slashed and
government scientists are being pressured to alter findings unfavorable to
administration policies.
A survey of scientists at the Fish and
Wildlife Service found that a full 42 percent -- 42 percent! -- felt
pressured to withhold from the public any findings contrary to Bush
administration policies on endangered species. Almost a third felt pressure
to avoid expressing such findings even within the agency itself."
Bush may not need to resort to
intimidation much longer, however, since he has been busily filling
scientific boards and panels with unqualified, but ideologically committed,
stooges. You know, the sort of "scientists" who don't need all that
sissy scientific method shit, because they know the "correct" answer going
in.
One particularly striking example involved the
appointment of an antiabortion zealot to chair the FDA's Reproductive Health
and Drug Advisory Committee -- a guy who, among his other varied
"qualifications," recommends that women read the Bible as treatment of
premenstrual symptoms. The prestigious British medical journal Lancet wrote
of this affair that "further right-wing incursions of expert panels'
membership will cause a terminal decline in public trust in the advice of
scientists."
No shit, Sherlock.
In fairness, Bush's hostility to science isn't
exclusively faith based. While religious dogma trumps science in areas like
stem cell research and abstinence only "sex education," in other areas, such
as global warming and increased development in national wildlife areas, good
old fashioned greed appears to be the primary focus of scientifically unsound
governmental policies.
Still, given the Greed is Godly theology
advocated by the leadership of the Religious Right, one can't completely
ignore their hand even in what appear at first glance to be capitalistically
driven crimes against science.
But what's probably most important about
Bush's anti-scientific bias is what is says about the state of his mind in
general. Many, perhaps most, of the top people in the Bush administration,
including most significantly the big guy himself, display an attitude -- and
attitude is most definitely the word -- that's antagonistic, not just to
scientific expertise, but to all forms of expertise.
These are guys who repeatedly "feel" and
"faith" their way through minefields, seemingly uninterested in what maps may
exist that could show them where the mines are buried. They decide to go to
war with Iraq, for example, while almost totally excluding input from anyone
who actually knows something about the country. You know -- the sort of
people who would insist on bringing all of those annoying little complexities
into the mix.
Why muck around with a bunch of pointy headed
policy wonks when anytime you have a question you can simply pick up the
direct line to heaven?
...One by one, I'm being deprived of the independent
sources that I have found so valuable in reaching my own conclusions.
Please understand that I'm not speaking of sources
that reflect my own philosophy. I used to profit from reading certain
conservative columnists because they helped me to see America from a
different point of view. Now many of those once-helpful pundits have
become (so it seems to me) mere partisans for particular politicians --
less concerned with their independence than with political victory.
Similarly with certain "think tanks" I used to rely
on for a different -- often stimulating -- take on things. I knew they
weren't politically neutral, but I knew I could factor in their
predispositions while I looked at their facts and figures. Now, in too
many cases, I find the facts and figures themselves suspect.
Nor is it just conservative institutions that have
left me in the intellectual lurch. The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights,
once a valuable influence on the White House because of its ability to
speak uncomfortable truth to power, has largely been reduced to a forum
for partisan squabbling.
Am I worrying too much? I don't think so. We're
running around trying to create democracies all over the world while
forgetting that what makes democracies work is not just the ballot but the
existence of institutions and agencies that enjoy near-universal public
trust. We are incredibly lucky, for instance, to have a nonpolitical
military. We may know that military personnel tend to be more conservative
than the population as a whole, but the military as an institution
is expected to be free of political interest.
The Supreme Court was another such institution --
perhaps still is for a majority of Americans. But who can doubt that the
court's resort to what appeared to be political partisanship (as in the
settlement of the 2000 presidential vote in Florida) reduced the public's
trust?
And there is the Federal Reserve Board. Let me be
clear: I was personally disappointed when former secretary of state Colin
Powell used suspect evidence to back his boss's desire to launch a war
against Iraq. But I understand that secretaries of state are members of
administrations. They may argue against a policy behind closed doors. But
once the president has decided, they are expected not to go public with
their independent notions to the contrary.
The Fed is supposed to be independent, and the
apparent politicization of its chairman threatens not only to make his
pronouncements less weighty but also to render the institution a less
reliable factor in the decisions we make as citizens.
Is it alarmist to fear that we may be headed toward
the politicization of everything?
[Feb 19, 2005]
Guardian/The empty wheelbarrow
Slavoj Zizek
Intellectuals have to be most critical when rulers insist the choice is clear
From my communist youth, I still remember the formula, endlessly repeated
in official proclamations to mark the "unity of all progressive forces":
"workers, peasants and honest intellectuals" - as if intellectuals are, by
their very nature, suspicious, all too free-floating, lacking a solid social
and professional identity, so that they can only be accepted at the price of
a special qualification.
This distrust is alive and well today, in our post-ideological societies.
The lines are clearly drawn. On the "honest" side, there are the no-nonsense
experts, sociologists, economists, psychologists, trying to cope with the
real-life problems engendered by our "risk society", aware that old
ideological solutions are useless. Beyond, there are the "prattling
classes", academics and journalists with no solid professional education,
usually working in humanities with some vague French postmodern leanings,
specialists in everything, prone to verbal radicalism, in love with
paradoxical formulations that flatly contradict the obvious. When
faced with fundamental liberal-democratic tenets, they display a breathtaking
talent to unearth hidden traps of domination. When faced with an attack on
these tenets, they display a no less breathtaking ability to discover
emancipatory potential in it.
This cliche is not without truth - recall the numerous fiascos of the
20th-century radical intellectuals, perhaps best encapsulated by the French
poet Paul Eluard's refusal to demonstrate support for the victims of
Stalinist show trials: "I spend enough time defending the innocent who
proclaim their innocence, to have any time left to defend the guilty who
proclaim their guilt." But hysterical over-reaction against "free-floating"
intellectual renders such a critique suspicious: distrust of intellectuals is
ultimately distrust of philosophy itself.
In March 2003, Donald Rumsfeld engaged in a little bit of amateur
philosophising: "There are known knowns. These are things we know that we
know. There are known unknowns. That is to say, there are things that we know
we don't know. But there are also unknown unknowns. There are things we don't
know we don't know." What he forgot to add was the crucial fourth term: the
"unknown knowns", things we don't know that we know - which is precisely the
Freudian unconscious. If Rumsfeld thought that the main dangers in the
confrontation with Iraq were the "unknown unknowns", the threats from Saddam
we did not even suspect, the Abu Ghraib scandal shows where the main
dangers actually are in the "unknown knowns", the disavowed beliefs,
suppositions and obscene practices we pretend not to know about, even though
they form the background of our public values. To unearth these "unknown
knowns" is the task of an intellectual.
On September 11 2001, the Twin Towers were hit. Twelve years earlier, on
November 9 1989, the Berlin Wall fell. November 9 announced the "happy 90s",
the Francis Fukuyama dream of the "end of history", the belief that liberal
democracy had, in principle, won, that the search is over, that the advent of
a global, liberal world community lurks just around the corner, that the
obstacles to this Hollywood happy ending are merely contingent - local
pockets of resistance where leaders did not yet grasp that their time was
over. By contrast, 9/11 is the symbol of the end of the Clintonite happy 90s,
of an era in which new walls are emerging everywhere, in the West Bank,
around the European Union, on the US-Mexico border. The prospect of a
new global crisis is looming: economic breakdowns, military and other
catastrophes, states of emergency .
In their recent The War Over Iraq, William Kristol and Lawrence F Kaplan
wrote: "The mission begins in Baghdad, but it does not end there... We stand
at the cusp of a new historical era... This is a decisive moment... It
is so clearly about more than Iraq. It is about more even than the future of
the Middle East and the war on terror. It is about what sort of role the US
intends to play in the 21st century." One cannot but agree: it is
effectively the future of the international community that is at stake now -
the new rules that will regulate it, what the new world order will be.
The ruling ideology appropriated the September 11 tragedy and used it to
impose its basic message: it is time to stop playing around, you have to take
sides - for or against. This, precisely, is the temptation to be resisted: in
such moments of apparent clarity of choice, mystification is total. Today,
more than ever, intellectuals need to step back. Are we aware that we are in
the midst of a "soft revolution", in the course of which the unwritten rules
determining the most elementary international logic are changing?
The danger the west is courting in its "war on terror" was clearly
perceived by GK Chesterton who - in the very last pages of his Orthodoxy, the
ultimate Catholic propaganda piece - exposed the deadlock of the
pseudo-revolutionary critics of religion: they start by denouncing religion
as the force of oppression that threatens human freedom; but in fighting
religion, they are compelled to forsake freedom itself, thus sacrificing
precisely what they wanted to defend: the atheist radical universe, deprived
of religious reference, is the grey universe of egalitarian terror.
Today the same holds for advocates of religion themselves: how many fanatical
defenders of religion started by ferociously attacking secular culture and
ended up forsaking religion itself, losing any meaningful religious
experience?
And is it not that, in a strictly homologous way, the liberal
warriors against terror are so eager to fight anti-democratic fundamentalism
that they will end by flinging away freedom and democracy? They have
such a passion for proving that non-Christian fundamentalism is the main
threat to freedom that they are ready to limit our own freedom here and now,
in our allegedly Christian societies. If the "terrorists" are ready to
wreck this world for love of the other, our warriors on terror are ready to
wreck their own democratic world out of hatred for the Muslim other.
Thus the American commentators Jonathan Alter and Alan Derschowitz love human
dignity so much that they are ready to legalise torture - the ultimate
degradation of human dignity - to defend it.
Does the same not hold for the postmodern disdain for great ideological
causes and the notion that, in our post-ideological era, instead of trying to
change the world, we should reinvent ourselves by engaging in new forms of
(sexual, spiritual, aesthetic) subjective practices? Confronted with
arguments like this, one cannot but recall the old lesson of critical theory:
when we try to preserve the authentic intimate sphere of privacy against the
onslaught of "alienated" public exchange, it is privacy itself that gets
lost. Withdrawal into privacy means today adopting formulas of private
authenticity propagated by the contemporary cultural industry - from taking
lessons in spiritual enlightenment a to engaging in body building. The
ultimate truth of withdrawal into privacy is public confessions of intimate
secrets on TV shows. Against this kind of privacy, the only way to break out
of the constraints of "alienated" public life is to invent a new
collectivity.
Recall the old story about a worker suspected of stealing. Every evening,
when he was leaving the factory, the wheelbarrow he was rolling in front of
him was carefully inspected, but it was always empty - till, finally, the
guards got the point: what the worker was stealing were the wheel-barrows
themselves. This is the trick that those who claim today "But the world is
none the less better off without Saddam!" try to pull on us: they forget to
include in the account the effects of the very military intervention against
Saddam. Yes, the world is better without Saddam - but it is not better
with the military occupation of Iraq, with the rise of Islamist
fundamentalism provoked by this very occupation. The guy who first
got this point about the wheelbarrow was an arch-intellectual.
· Slavoj Zizek, is senior researcher in philosophy at the
University of Ljubljana, and co-director of the Centre for Humanities,
Birkbeck College, London; his most recent book is Iraq: The Borrowed Kettle
szizek@yahoo.com
"they do not
maintain an acute awareness of the situation as a calculated political
convenience."... "We have been witnessing the modern birth of a religious
tradition which combines spirituality with economics." Can
delusion and religious obscurantism be a screwed political strategy in XXI
century? Probably not, although for former alcoholics that's might
be a familiar form of existence.
Re:Let the Bush bashing begin! (Score:4,
Insightful)
by SomePoorSchmuck
(183775) on Friday February 11, @11:18AM (#11642599)
(http://www.attrition.org/misc/affirmation.html)
|
In my experience, this is so wrong. Most of the people I know are
Republican. I can't think of more than one that goes to church (any
church) more than three times a year.
I attended two state GOP conventions and one national GOP convention
during the mid-late 1980s. I saw the takeover in action. It is real.
I am no longer directly affiliated with the Republican party, but I
still have a decent grapevine through old friends and even older
family. The incidental party affiliation of "most of the people
[you] know" is entirely irrelevant to the matter of who formulates the
planks in the party platform in exchange for delivering a highly
dependable demographic bloc on election day. What James Dobson,
Pat Robertson, Gary Bauer, and the Wildmons say today will be blended
with prettified supply-side economics and become the official GOP
talking points six months from now.
The older Republicans were more moderate and accepted this as an
expedient trade-off; the establishment only pushed the issues just
enough to guarantee electoral victory. The reason George W. Bush
arouses such instinctive loathing from "the Left" and such devotion
from "the Right" is that he is simply the first of what will be many
more generations who believe their own hype. Their party maturation
began in the middle of the bargaining process between the plutocrats
and theocrats, and therefore they do not maintain an acute
awareness of the situation as a calculated political convenience.
They have imbued their economic policies have the righteous conviction
of morality, and thus they find it natural to make national policy
serve their moral ends. We have been witnessing the modern birth of a
religious tradition which combines spirituality with economics.
He who has an ear, let him hear. |
Dr. John Frandsen, a retired zoologist, was at
a dinner for teachers in Birmingham, Ala., recently when he met a young woman
who had just begun work as a biology teacher in a small school district in
the state. Their conversation turned to evolution.
"She confided that she simply ignored
evolution because she knew she'd get in trouble with the principal if word
got about that she was teaching it," he recalled. "She told me other teachers
were doing the same thing."
Though the teaching of evolution makes the
news when officials propose, as they did in Georgia, that evolution
disclaimers be affixed to science textbooks, or that creationism be
taught along with evolution in biology classes, stories like the one Dr.
Frandsen tells are more common.
In districts around the country, even when
evolution is in the curriculum it may not be in the classroom, according to
researchers who follow the issue.
Teaching guides and textbooks may meet
the approval of biologists, but superintendents or principals discourage
teachers from discussing it. Or teachers themselves avoid the topic, fearing
protests from fundamentalists in their communities.
"The most common remark I've heard from
teachers was that the chapter on evolution was assigned as reading but that
virtually no discussion in class was taken," said Dr. John R. Christy, a
climatologist at the University of Alabama at Huntsville, an evangelical
Christian and a member of Alabama's curriculum review board who advocates the
teaching of evolution. Teachers are afraid to raise the issue, he said in an
e-mail message, and they are afraid to discuss the issue in public.
"The Crafty Attacks on Evolution" (editorial, Jan. 23)
argues correctly that creationism and its recent progeny, intelligent
design, are thinly veiled expressions of religion.
They are also, at
their heart, profoundly anti-science.
It is only through scientists' taking on the most
interesting and challenging questions of their era that scientific progress
is made.
There are always gaps in scientific knowledge. It is
the task of the scientist to fill in those gaps, not to assume that the
answer cannot be found.
Even scientific theories that are thought of as "laws"
and that are enormously useful for centuries are, over time, challenged and
corrected. The imposition of intelligent design in the science classroom
would limit the imperative to study the challenging scientific questions
whose answers still elude us.
David Klasfeld
New York, Jan. 23, 2005
The writer was a lawyer for the plaintiffs in McLean v. Arkansas, the
case that found that creation science was not science and could not be taught
as a competing theory with evolution.
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