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[Dec 05, 2016] The Trans-Pacific Partnership Permanent Lock In The Obama Agenda For 40% Of The Global Economy

Oct 06, 2015 | Zero Hedge
We have just witnessed one of the most significant steps toward a one world economic system that we have ever seen. Negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership have been completed, and if approved it will create the largest trading bloc on the planet. But this is not just a trade agreement. In this treaty, Barack Obama has thrown in all sorts of things that he never would have been able to get through Congress otherwise. And once this treaty is approved, it will be exceedingly difficult to ever make changes to it. So essentially what is happening is that the Obama agenda is being permanently locked in for 40 percent of the global economy.

The United States, Canada, Japan, Mexico, Australia, Brunei, Chile, Malaysia, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore and Vietnam all intend to sign on to this insidious plan. Collectively, these nations have a total population of about 800 million people and a combined GDP of approximately 28 trillion dollars.

Of course Barack Obama is assuring all of us that this treaty is going to be wonderful for everyone

In hailing the agreement, Obama said, "Congress and the American people will have months to read every word" before he signs the deal that he described as a win for all sides.

"If we can get this agreement to my desk, then we can help our businesses sell more Made in America goods and services around the world, and we can help more American workers compete and win," Obama said.

Sadly, just like with every other "free trade" agreement that the U.S. has entered into since World War II, the exact opposite is what will actually happen. Our trade deficit will get even larger, and we will see even more jobs and even more businesses go overseas.

But the mainstream media will never tell you this. Instead, they are just falling all over themselves as they heap praise on this new trade pact. Just check out a couple of the headlines that we saw on Monday…

Overseas it is a different story. Many journalists over there fully recognize that this treaty greatly benefits many of the big corporations that played a key role in drafting it. For example, the following comes from a newspaper in Thailand

You will hear much about the importance of the TPP for "free trade".

The reality is that this is an agreement to manage its members' trade and investment relations - and to do so on behalf of each country's most powerful business lobbies.

These sentiments were echoed in a piece that Zero Hedge posted on Monday

Packaged as a gift to the American people that will renew industry and make us more competitive, the Trans-Pacific Partnership is a Trojan horse. It's a coup by multinational corporations who want global subservience to their agenda. Buyer beware. Citizens beware.

The gigantic corporations that dominate our economy don't care about the little guy. If they can save a few cents on the manufacturing of an item by moving production to Timbuktu they will do it.

Over the past couple of decades, the United States has lost tens of thousands of manufacturing facilities and millions of good paying jobs due to these "free trade agreements". As we merge our economy with the economies of nations where it is legal to pay slave labor wages, it is inevitable that corporations will shift jobs to places where labor is much cheaper. Our economic infrastructure is being absolutely eviscerated in the process, and very few of our politicians seem to care.

Once upon a time, the city of Detroit was the greatest manufacturing city on the planet and it had the highest per capita income in the entire nation. But today it is a rotting, decaying hellhole that the rest of the world laughs at. What has happened to the city of Detroit is happening to the entire nation as a whole, but our politicians just keep pushing us even farther down the road to oblivion.

Just consider what has happened since NAFTA was implemented. In the year before NAFTA was approved, the United States actually had a trade surplus with Mexico and our trade deficit with Canada was only 29.6 billion dollars. But now things are very different. In one recent year, the U.S. had a combined trade deficit with Mexico and Canada of 177 billion dollars.

And these trade deficits are not just numbers. They represent real jobs that are being lost. It has been estimated that the U.S. economy loses approximately 9,000 jobs for every 1 billion dollars of goods that are imported from overseas, and one professor has estimated that cutting our trade deficit in half would create 5 million more jobs in the United States.

Just yesterday, I wrote about how there are 102.6 million working age Americans that do not have a job right now. Once upon a time, if you were honest, dependable and hard working it was easy to get a good paying job in this country. But now things are completely different.

Back in 1950, more than 80 percent of all men in the United States had jobs. Today, only about 65 percent of all men in the United States have jobs.

Why aren't more people alarmed by numbers like this?

And of course the Trans-Pacific Partnership is not just about "free trade". In one of my previous articles, I explained that Obama is using this as an opportunity to permanently impose much of his agenda on a large portion of the globe…

It is basically a gigantic end run around Congress. Thanks to leaks, we have learned that so many of the things that Obama has deeply wanted for years are in this treaty. If adopted, this treaty will fundamentally change our laws regarding Internet freedom, healthcare, copyright and patent protection, food safety, environmental standards, civil liberties and so much more. This treaty includes many of the rules that alarmed Internet activists so much when SOPA was being debated, it would essentially ban all "Buy American" laws, it would give Wall Street banks much more freedom to trade risky derivatives and it would force even more domestic manufacturing offshore.

The Republicans in Congress foolishly gave Obama fast track negotiating authority, and so Congress will not be able to change this treaty in any way. They will only have the opportunity for an up or down vote.

I would love to see Congress reject this deal, but we all know that is extremely unlikely to happen. When big votes like this come up, immense pressure is put on key politicians. Yes, there are a few members of Congress that still have backbones, but most of them are absolutely spineless. When push comes to shove, the globalist agenda always seems to advance.

Meanwhile, the mainstream media will be telling the American people about all of the wonderful things that this new treaty will do for them. You would think that after how badly past "free trade" treaties have turned out that we would learn something, but somehow that never seems to happen.

The agenda of the globalists is moving forward, and very few Americans seem to care.

HedgeAccordingly

CIA Insider: China is About to End the Dollar

two hoots

Bill Clinton on signing NAFTA:

First of all, because NAFTA means jobs. American jobs, and good-paying American jobs. If I didn't believe that, I wouldn't support this agreement.

Freddie

Many of those NeoCon Bibi lovers and Jonathan Pollard conservatives love TPP and H1B Ted Cruz. Ted is also a Goldman Sachs boy.

Squids_In

That giant sucking sound just got gianter.

MrTouchdown

Probably, but here's a thought:

It might be a blowing sound of all things USA deflating down (in USD terms) to what they are actually worth when compared to the rest of the world. For example, a GM assembly line worker will make what an assembly line worker in Vietnam makes.

This will, of course, panic Old Yellen, who will promptly fill her diaper and begin subsidizing wages with Quantitative Pleasing (QP1).

Buckaroo Banzai

If this gets through congress, the Republican Party better not bother asking for my vote ever again.

Chupacabra-322

Vote? You seem to think "voting" will actually influence actions / Globalists plans which have been decades in the making amoungst thse Criminal Pure Evil Lucerferian Psychopaths hell bent on Total Complete Full Spectrum World Domination.

Yea, keep voting. I'll be out hunting down these Evil doers like the dogs that they are.

Buckaroo Banzai

I have no illusions regarding the efficacy of voting. It is indeed a waste of time.

What I said was, they better not dare even ASK for my vote.

Ignatius

Doesn't matter. Diebold is so good at counting that you don't even need to show up at the polls anymore. It's like a miracle of modern technology.

Peter Pan

Did the article say 40%?

I imagine they meant 40% of whatever is left after we all go to hell in a hand basket.

Great day for the multinationals and in particular the pharmaceutical companies.

[Dec 30, 2015] On Pareto Optimality

Notable quotes:
"... the ideal markets that would produce Pareto Optimal allocations dont actually exist ..."
"... moving from actually existing non-ideal markets to ideal markets WOULD NOT BE Pareto Optimal even if it was possible to do so, which it isnt. ..."
"... In short, Pareto Optiimality is a just so story that has absolutely no bearing on the real world other than as an ideological justification for tons of bullshit. ..."
"... The next step in graduate students indoctrination is to teach them that although Pareto Optimal reallocations are implausible, you can get around that with a principle of compensation. The principle, too is based on a same yardstick fallacy. But never mind the Pareto Optimality smokescreen and the compensation smokescreen have constrained economists to think in terms of doing what is best for the wealthiest. Funny how that happens. ..."
Dec 30, 2015 | Economist's View
Sandwichman, December 30, 2015 at 10:06 AM
"Graduate students of economics learn, early in their careers, that markets allocations are Pareto Optimal."

What they don't learn is that

1. the ideal markets that would produce Pareto Optimal allocations don't actually exist and

2. moving from actually existing non-ideal markets to ideal markets WOULD NOT BE Pareto Optimal even if it was possible to do so, which it isn't.

In short, Pareto Optimality is a just so story that has absolutely no bearing on the real world other than as an ideological justification for tons of bullshit.

The next step in graduate students' indoctrination is to teach them that although Pareto Optimal reallocations are implausible, you can get around that with a "principle of compensation." The principle, too is based on a same yardstick fallacy. But never mind the Pareto Optimality smokescreen and the compensation smokescreen have constrained economists to think in terms of doing what is best for the wealthiest. Funny how that happens.

anne said in reply to Sandwichman

Pareto Optimality is a just so story that has absolutely no bearing on the real world other than as an ideological justification for tons of bull----.

[ Agreed completely and I think this an important conclusion. ]

Paine said in reply to anne

Yes

Sandy gets the guts of it

Though

The compensation principle is precisely what Pareto rule is all about

Yes we can scramble the goods all we want so long as in the end everyone is at least as well off as before the scramble

In a pure exchange model this is less exciting then in a one period production model

Going on to an inter temporal model with an infinite horizon gets into real juicy Wonderlands

The academy makes it's living as much by distracting fine minds as training them

anne said in reply to Sandwichman

The next step in graduate students' indoctrination is to teach them that although Pareto Optimal reallocations are implausible, you can get around that with a "principle of compensation." The principle, too is based on a same yardstick fallacy. But never mind the Pareto Optimality smokescreen and the compensation smokescreen have constrained economists to think in terms of doing what is best for the wealthiest....

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/12/30/business/economy/for-the-wealthiest-private-tax-system-saves-them-billions.html

December 29, 2015

Richest in U.S. Shape Private Tax System to Save Billions
By NOAM SCHEIBER and PATRICIA COHEN

The very wealthiest families are able to quietly shape tax policy that will allow them to shield millions, if not billions, of their income using maneuvers available only to several thousand Americans.

anne said in reply to Sandwichman...

Supposing I understand the essay, Roger Farmer is just writing the logical justification to Herbert Spencer's (never Charles Darwin's) "survival of the fittest" rationale that Spencer made wildly popular after Darwin published "On the Origin of Species."

Spencer was the successful ultimate justifier of British "sun-never-setting-on-the-Empire" capitalism. Spencer sold a biological justification, Farmer is selling a logical justification of Empire.

Sandwichman said in reply to anne

No, I think Farmer is dissing Pareto Optimality and using "sunspots" as sarcasm. He seems to do it in a way that opens up space for countless side arguments that leave Pareto Optimality unscathed.

The bottom line is that NO ONE would have ever paid any attention to the not just "weak" but nonsensical concept if it didn't serve the function of justifying and ultimately glorifying great inequalities of wealth and income.
;

anne said in reply to Sandwichman

I understand the argument and I am entirely right:

Roger Farmer is just writing the logical justification to Herbert Spencer's (never Charles Darwin's) "survival of the fittest" rationale that Spencer made wildly popular after Darwin published "On the Origin of Species."

Spencer was the successful ultimate justifier of British "sun-never-setting-on-the-Empire" capitalism. Spencer sold a biological justification, Farmer is selling a logical justification of Empire capitalism.

anne said in reply to Sandwichman

I needed to be sure the argument was as empty morally as I supposed initially, but I supposed correctly. The Roger Farmer essay is an amoral logical justification of imperial capitalism. Plato's "Republic" conceived amorally. ;

anne said in reply to Sandwichman

A mean little essay, carefully subtle and mean.

Paine said in reply to anne

But Anne as sandy points out Roger blows up the use of Pareto by his future generations argument

Those unable to establish their preferences are unaccounted for in the scrum

He uses this to draw a bold distinction between securities markets and fish catch of the day markets

Paine said in reply to Paine

It's not the way I'd make his point

But his distinction is important

Some are impacted that are not participating

Third party effects that can not be resolved even with repeated " games "
Because the players are not yet present

anne said in reply to Sandwichman

Farmer is dissing Pareto Optimality and using "sunspots" as sarcasm. He seems to do it in a way that opens up space for countless side arguments that leave Pareto Optimality unscathed.

The bottom line is that NO ONE would have ever paid any attention to the not just "weak" but nonsensical concept if it didn't serve the function of justifying and ultimately glorifying great inequalities of wealth and income.

[ Agreed completely, but this argument runs with mine. ]

anne said in reply to Sandwichman

Farmer is dissing Pareto Optimality and using "sunspots" as sarcasm. He seems to do it in a way that opens up space for countless side arguments that leave Pareto Optimality unscathed....

[ The issue is that Roger Farmer leaves Pareto Optimality unscathed, and this is an essential point. The essay is beyond the morality of now, but there is no beyond. ]

[Dec 27, 2015] Summer Rerun Why America Will Need Some Elements of a Welfare State

Notable quotes:
"... Wolf concludes that America cannot do without some form of a welfare state, specifically improved training, education, and universal health care. ..."
"... Our problem is that we are asking for concessions that are beyond the acceptable limit for elites in any historical epoch. We're asking the powerful and the rich to give up their money and power for the greater good of all mankind. This is not likely to happen unless a powerful enough segment of the elite comes to the inescapable conclusion that they're literally dead meat if they don't and therefore opts for survival over position. ..."
"... Welfare etc are social services that can only be funded through the world-wide looting operation of the American empire ..."
Dec 27, 2015 | naked capitalism

An excellent column by Martin Wolf in the Financial Times, where he is the lead economics editor. Starting with principles put forward by Ben Bernanke in his recent speech on income inequality, Wolf concludes that America cannot do without some form of a welfare state, specifically improved training, education, and universal health care.

James Levy, December 26, 2015 at 4:32 pm

I have no idea if Marx was right, in the long run, or wrong–the verdict is still out on the long-term viability of industrial capitalism, which is less than 250 years old and creaking mightily as I write this. It may be that when Rosa Luxemburg said that the choice was between Socialism and Barbarism, she underestimated how likely barbarism was. What I do know is that capitalism today isn't just too ugly to tolerate, it is downright murderous. Its imperatives are driving the despoliation of the planet. It's love of profit over all else is cutting corners and creating externalities that are lethal. But it has made a few percent of the global population comfortable and powerful, and they are holding onto that comfort and that power come hell or high water (and, ironically, if things continue apace both are on the menu).

Our problem is that we are asking for concessions that are beyond the acceptable limit for elites in any historical epoch. We're asking the powerful and the rich to give up their money and power for the greater good of all mankind. This is not likely to happen unless a powerful enough segment of the elite comes to the inescapable conclusion that they're literally dead meat if they don't and therefore opts for survival over position. I am not enthusiastic that this will happen before it is way too late to save more than a fraction of the current world population, and send those people back to the lifestyles and thought patterns of 30 Year's War Europe.

    1. digi_owl

      Its a generational thing. Right after WW2, many of the elite had just that epiphany that unless they have the common people behind them, they are toast. But now they are dead or dying, and their grandkids are basically once more thinking that they can go it alone. This because they have not had the required experiences that help develop the wisdom.

      Reply
  1. Paul Tioxon

    What Marx saw long ago, we can see today, and without relegating ourselves to his analysis, come to our own conclusions. Contradictions, summed up well by Lincoln as a house divided against itself cannot stand is just as true today. Millions of guns to protect the citizenry from tyranny have only resulted in a 1/4 million murders and 5 times as many shootings since Jan 1, 2000, some placing people in wheel chairs and other crippling gunshot afflictions, and more and more institutionalized state oppression, economic exploitation and miserable lives propped up in an alcoholic haze until the liver or brain gives out. We have more food than we know what to do with so we throw away almost as much as we eat. And we have eaten ourselves into morbid obesity, diabetes and heart disease. The contradictions abound from the kitchen table to the kitchen cabinet of the White House where there seems to be nothing passed so freely as bad advice.

    The Welfare State arose from the sacrifices of the population in giving their sweat, blood and tears to defend their nation during war, to be rewarded for their sacrifices, rewards which were demands for power sharing and more in the paycheck, more benefits and more time to enjoy the life spent in a more prosperous world. It seems to me that Obamacare is not simply in death spiral all of its own making, but even more so, because it is the best attempt capitalism can produce in an America that is the most capitalist of societies down to the marrow its bones. Little competition from the Church or the social relations between nobles and subjects set for in the laws that were disestablished to free markets for commodification and money making. Money making enterprises structured the laws from slavery, to the voting franchise with little from the state to cushion any of the hardships of life in America.

    Health care is the largest industry we have. It is approaching 20% of the GNP. I remember the great national freak out in the late 1970s when congress realized it was approaching 10%. Nothing seems to be stopping the costs from spiraling upward and onward. No risk of deflation here where nothing is spared to save a life, operate on some poor little afflicted child, or buy a piece of equipment the size of an office building that shoots a proton beam at cancer, one cancer cell at a time.

    When Obama Care becomes a clear burden to even the democrats who can point to it now as some sort of accomplishment, and it is an accomplishment for the people who finally get to see a doctor, get into a hospital, get that operation or diagnosis that saves their lives, when even those accomplishments number in the millions, it will be part of a health care industry for which $Trillions of dollars can no longer be justified or even funded. As that financial collapse approaches, it would be better for politicians to declare the defeat of a program better rolled into one universal single payer system currently operating as Medicare, than try to reform, shore up or the old tried and true public lie, get rid of its waste and corruption.

    Declare victory with Medicare as the solution and put everyone into it. The only paper work left should be each person's medical history with diagnosis and healing as the happy ending to the story.

    Reply
  2. jgordon

    There is a fundamental error in perception in the Western world that is so pervasive that people can't even see it. As a most basic component of a healthy society people need to be able to survive at a local community level without outside support. Only after that is taken care of should people concern themselves with luxuries, inter-community and international relations.

    Welfare–not to mention other government services–can appear to have positive impacts if one only looks at their effects in isolation, however I think there is a devastating and pernicious impact on people's ability to form community bonds and have local resilience with things like welfare.

    Also, let's also not forget that Americans consume far more of the earth's precious resources than any other group in the world. Welfare etc are social services that can only be funded through the world-wide looting operation of the American empire. Do these recipients of empire benefits have a moral right to share in the loot of empire? Perhaps instead of domestic welfare it would be more ethical for the American empire to provide social benefits for the indigenous peoples who are forced from their lands to work like slaves for the empire's benefit. Although admittedly if the American empire used it's loot for the benefit of the foreign peoples whose lives it destroyed then there'd probably be nothing left to spread around to the military, or to pacify and police the domestic population. So I suppose that's not a serious proposal.

    Reply
    1. Left in Wisconsin

      Welfare etc are social services that can only be funded through the world-wide looting operation of the American empire

      This is obviously not true. Unless every social democratic country in the world is considered as a piece of the American empire. And even then, I would argue that we can easily afford a generous welfare state with a small shift in priorities away from (globally destabilizing) defense spending to social productive spending on human development.

      Reply
      1. jgordon

        Obvious to who? America lavishes so much money on its military not only because of corruption, but also because it has the world reserve currency and is a guarantor of the safety of international shipping. These facts are inextricably linked to the America's status as the world hegemon. The empire provides order and structure, and enforces the extraction of resources from the periphery to the center. The bread and circuses are inextricably linked to the empire's military activities and trying to tease them apart will only lead to collapse of the entire system sooner than it will otherwise happen.

        "Social Democratic"–now that's an interesting phrase. Did you know that Syria is a democracy, and was an extremely prosperous and well-education nation prior to 2011?

        Reply
        1. Vatch

          "Did you know that Syria is a democracy"

          Here's a telling paragraph from the Wikipedia article about Syria:

          Hafez al-Assad died on 10 June 2000. His son, Bashar al-Assad, was elected President in an election in which he ran unopposed.[68] His election saw the birth of the Damascus Spring and hopes of reform, but by autumn 2001 the authorities had suppressed the movement, imprisoning some of its leading intellectuals.[84] Instead, reforms have been limited to some market reforms.

          [Dec 27, 2015] The Sneaky Way Austerity Got Sold to the Public Like Snake Oil

          Notable quotes:
          "... When children don't get good educations, the production of knowledge falls into private control. Power gets consolidated. The official theoretical frameworks that benefit the most powerful get locked in. ..."
          "... Not only were the politicians worried about votes but also the welfare state was a way to head off a left wing revolution. ..."
          "... the change began in 1976 with the election of Rockefeller-funded Jimmy Carter, who immediately launched an austerity program. Support for Keynesian economics was further eroded by the 70's stagflation which we now know was caused by Mid East oil but at the time the "left" were like deer in the headlights, with no clue what to do. ..."
          "... The final nail in the coffin was the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the USSR, discrediting communism. After that, "there was no alternative" to corporate capitalism. Or more accurately, the left was slow to formulate an alternative and to this day is still struggling with an alternative as we have observed with Syriza. It's not enough to oppose austerity, you have to have a constructive plan to fix things. ..."
          Dec 27, 2015 | naked capitalism
          LP: You indicate that this approach to budgeting was invented as a way of making the New Deal acceptable to the business community. How did that work? Over time, who has benefitted from it? Who has lost?

          OC: Back in the 1940s, workers were fighting for their rights, class struggle was heating up, and soldiers would soon be returning from the fronts. At that point, a new business organization, the Committee for Economic Development (CED), came together. Led by Beardsley Ruml and other influential business figures, the CED played a crucial role in developing a conservative approach to Keynesian economics that helped make policies that would help put all Americans to work acceptable to the business community.

          The idea was that more consumers would translate into more profits - which is good for business. After all, the economic experts and budget technicians said so, not just the politicians. And the business leaders were told that economic growth and price stability would go along with this, which they liked.

          But things changed progressively over the 1970s and early 1980s. Firms went global. They became financialized. The balance of power between workers and owners started to shift more towards the owners, the capitalists. People were told they needed to sacrifice, to accept cuts to social spending and fewer rights and benefits on the job - all in the name of economic science and capitalism. The CAB was turned into a tool for preventing excessive spending - or justifying selected cuts.

          Middle class folks were afraid that inflation would erode their savings, so they were more keen to approve draconian measures to cut wages and reduce public budgets. People on the lower rungs of the economic ladder felt the pain first. But eventually the middle class fell on the wrong side of the fence, too. Most of them became relatively poorer.

          I suppose this shows the limits of democracy when information, knowledge, and ultimately power are unequally distributed.

          LP: You're really talking about birth of austerity and the way lies about public spending and budgets have been sold to the public. Why is austerity such a powerful idea and why do politicians still win elections promoting it?

          OC: Austerity is so powerful today because it feeds off of itself. It makes people uncertain about their lives, their debts, and their jobs. They become afraid. It's a strong disciplinary mechanism. People stop joining forces and the political status quo gets locked down.

          Even the
          name of this tool, the "cyclically adjusted budget," carries an aura of respect. It diverts our attention. We don't question it. It creates a barrier between the individual and the political realm: it undermines democratic participation itself. This obscure theory validates, with its authority, a big economic mistake that sounds like common sense but is actually snake oil - the notion that the federal government budget is like a household budget. Actually, it isn't. Your household doesn't collect taxes. It doesn't print money. It works very differently, yet the nonsense that it should behave exactly like a household budget gets repeated by politicians and policymakers who really just want to squeeze ordinary people.

          LP: How does all this play out in the U.S. and in Europe?

          OC: The European Union requires its members to comply with something called a cyclically adjusted budget constraint. Each country has to review its economic and fiscal plans with the European Commission and prove that those are compatible with the Pact. It's a ceiling on a country's deficit, but it's also much more than that.

          Thanks to the estimate, the governments of Italy or Spain, for example, are supposed to force the economy toward some ideal economic condition, the definition of which is obviously quite controversial and has so far rewarded those countries that have implemented labor market deregulation, cut pensions, and even changed the way elections happen. Again, it's a control mechanism.

          In the U.S. this scenario plays out, too, although less strictly. Talk about the budget often relies on the same shifty and politically-shaded statistical tools to support one argument or the other. Usually we hear arguments that suggest we have to cut social programs and workers' rights and benefits or face economic doom. Tune in to the presidential debates and you'll hear this played out - and it isn't strictly limited to one party.

          LP: How do we stop powerful players from co-opting economics and budgets for their own purposes?

          OC: Our education system is increasingly unequal and deprived of public resources. This is true in the U.S. but also in Europe, where the crisis accelerated a process that was already underway. When children don't get good educations, the production of knowledge falls into private control. Power gets consolidated. The official theoretical frameworks that benefit the most powerful get locked in.

          In the economic field, we need to engage different points of view and keep challenging dominant narratives and frameworks. One day, human curiosity will save us from intellectual prostitution.

          craazyboy, December 25, 2015 at 10:10 am

          Most people don't eat, go to college, use healthcare, rent or buy housing on the east or west coast, or purchase military equipment (except perhaps small time stuff like assault rifles), so the BLS greatly underweights(or hedonics prices, or just pulls rent data outta their butts) these things in the inflation data they create. The Fed then goes into a tizzy if the data comes in a few tenths of a percent below 2%, even if the data spent years above 2%, and floods the country in liquidity so our job creators – banks and large corporations – will hire us and give us raises, and once they finish doing that, the BLS will signal that inflation is 2% and the Fed will then know all our problems are solved. It just takes time.

          See the book "Treasure Island" for how things are going on the revenue side. But more tax breaks for large corporations and the wealthy are needed so we don't force them to do any illegal tax avoidance stuff and they will then happily pay whatever they think their fair should be. Might be zero. They will then have money to buy stuff too, which is a big plus as well, when you think about it.

          So clearly, you can see why deficit spending almost seems inevitable.

          Then the next problem is we still have unemployment, and something needs to be done about that. For instance, lots of room for more government contracts for social purposes. Take Obamacare. Place a single source contract, now estimated between $1 and $2 billion, with a Canadian systems company that employs independent contractor Indian programmers. Eventually, we have Obamacare!

          We can do this if we just get serious about this and say "No More Austerity In America!"

          likbez, December 27, 2015 at 9:31 pm

          Emperor Severus is famously said to have given the advice to his sons: "Be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and scorn all other men"

          Brooklin Bridge

          Can education provide the solution?

          I suspect that the educational bias occurs at all levels in the sense that much the same misinformation is provided regardless of neighborhood but progressively wrapped in more elegant pedagogical flim-flam-ery for the owner class. Basically, the bias changes, but not the message, as one goes from poor (austerity – this is your lot in life) to wealthy (austerity – you were born to make the tough decisions, it's in your genes – and you'll just have to accept the rewards, man up to your destiny and toss em a quarter on Sundays). The upper class does get a far better education, but the bias is or becomes unconscious over time.

          Basically, aristocracy is a nasty brutish cycle that keeps upping the ante of consequences.

          washunate, December 26, 2015 at 8:09 am

          Yves, INET and NEP and others have been lecturing that topic for years. How many trillions of dollars do we have to deficit spend before the failure of things to improve indicts the hypothesis itself?

          Maybe what matters is not the amount of the spending, but rather, the distribution.

          And what is so bad about deflation? The attachment of moral judgment to inflation and deflation is rather bizarre outside of establishment monetary economics. The basic monetary problem confronting the bottom 80% or so of American households is inflation, not deflation.


          Dan Lynch, December 25, 2015 at 11:27 am

          I don't buy the article's historical narrative.

          Conservatives have ALWAYS opposed spending on social programs and ALWAYS used the deficit as an excuse (unless the deficit was due to war or tax cuts for the rich). This was true during the New Deal; FDR himself was a deficit hawk.

          Nonetheless for years the public supported social programs and no politician dared to cut them. Not only were the politicians worried about votes but also the welfare state was a way to head off a left wing revolution.

          What changed? I would say the change began in 1976 with the election of Rockefeller-funded Jimmy Carter, who immediately launched an austerity program. Support for Keynesian economics was further eroded by the 70's stagflation which we now know was caused by Mid East oil but at the time the "left" were like deer in the headlights, with no clue what to do.

          The final nail in the coffin was the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the USSR, discrediting communism. After that, "there was no alternative" to corporate capitalism. Or more accurately, the left was slow to formulate an alternative and to this day is still struggling with an alternative as we have observed with Syriza. It's not enough to oppose austerity, you have to have a constructive plan to fix things.

          Vatch, December 25, 2015 at 12:40 pm

          History teaches us that peacetime austerity can be horribly disastrous. Some examples:

          British austerity during the 19th century included the Great Irish Famine of 1845-1849: The Irish population was about 8 million people in 1841, and the death toll of the famine was at least a million. This is a huge percentage loss of life. Due to the combination of deaths with emigration and births that did not occur, the 1851 population of 6.5 million was estimated to be about 2.5 million lower than expected. Since food was exported during the famine, this was definitely an extreme case of austerity.

          Soviet austerity during the 1930s: Millions died, and food was exported during the famine period of 1931-1933. Austerity is often associate with conservatives, so I guess conservative austerity enthusiasts must be pleased with the performance of the eminent conservative Josef Stalin.

          Chinese austerity during the Great Leap Forward of 1958-1962: Tens of millions died - perhaps as many as 45 million. The same irony about conservatives and Stalin is true about conservatives and Mao, but on a far greater scale.

          Merry Christmas.

          ben chifley

          july 24 2015: Krugman:Ignore the 'MIT gang' at US economy's peril Paul Krugman says while economists of the '70s discarded Keynes, he never went away at MIT.‏
          http://www.chron.com/opinion/outlook/article/Krugman-Ignore-the-MIT-gang-at-US-economy-s-6404243.php

          MIT: Libertarian Haven | Independent Political Report‏
          http://www.independentpoliticalreport.com/2011/01/mit-libertarian-haven/

          Soros | MIT Global Education & Career Development‏
          https://gecd.mit.edu/go-abroad/distinguished-fellowships/explore-fellowships/soros

          washunate

          This is a pretty remarkable piece of rambling drivel. To the extent coherent points can be taken away from this, it appears there are at least two major flaws:

          1) There is absolutely no link between public opinion and CAB. Germany chooses to have national healthcare, passenger rail, and renewable energy. The US chooses to have national security, predatory medicine, and car-dependent sprawl.

          2) There is absolutely no link between austerity and concentration of wealth and power. France has a much more equal distribution of wealth than the US. Yet the US has run enormous deficits while France is supposedly constrained by the techno mumbo jumbo nonsense of the EU.

          The notion that 'austerity' is sold to the public is just a blatant falsehood. Americans don't support the budget priorities in Washington. It's a collective action problem, not a public opinion problem.

        2. [Dec 24, 2015] The Fed Has Created A Monster And Just Made A Dangerous Mistake, Stephen Roach Warns

          Zero Hedge
          Stephen Roach is worried that the Fed has set the world up for another financial market meltdown.

          Lower for longer rates and the proliferation of unconventional monetary policy have created "a breeding ground for asset bubbles, credit bubbles, and all-too frequent crises, so the Fed is really a part of the problem of financial instability rather than trying to provide a sense of calm in an otherwise unstable world," Roach told Bloomberg TV in an interview conducted a little over a week ago.

          To be sure, Roach's sentiments have become par for the proverbial course. That is, it may have taken everyone a while (as in five years or so) to come to the conclusion we reached long ago, namely that central banks are setting the world up for a crisis that will make 2008 look like a walk in the park, but most of the "very serious" people are now getting concerned. Take BofAML for instance, who, in a note we outlined on Wednesday, demonstrated the prevailing dynamic with the following useful graphic:

          Perhaps Jeremy Grantham put it best: "..in the Greenspan/ Bernanke/Yellen Era, the Fed historically did not stop its asset price pushing until fully- fledged bubbles had occurred, as they did in U.S. growth stocks in 2000 and in U.S. housing in 2006."

          Indeed. It's with that in mind that we bring you the following excerpts from a new piece by Roach in which the former Morgan Stanley chief economist and Yale fellow recounts the evolution of the Fed and how the FOMC ultimately became "beholden to the monster it had created".

          * * *

          From "The Perils of Fed Gradualism" as posted at Project Syndicate

          By now, it's an all-too-familiar drill. After an extended period of extraordinary monetary accommodation, the US Federal Reserve has begun the long march back to normalization.

          A majority of financial market participants applaud this strategy. In fact, it is a dangerous mistake. The Fed is borrowing a page from the script of its last normalization campaign – the incremental rate hikes of 2004-2006 that followed the extraordinary accommodation of 2001-2003. Just as that earlier gradualism set the stage for a devastating financial crisis and a horrific recession in 2008-2009, there is mounting risk of yet another accident on what promises to be an even longer road to normalization.

          The problem arises because the Fed, like other major central banks, has now become a creature of financial markets rather than a steward of the real economy. This transformation has been under way since the late 1980s, when monetary discipline broke the back of inflation and the Fed was faced with new challenges.

          The challenges of the post-inflation era came to a head during Alan Greenspan's 18-and-a-half-year tenure as Fed Chair. The stock-market crash of October 19, 1987 – occurring only 69 days after Greenspan had been sworn in – provided a hint of what was to come. In response to a one-day 23% plunge in US equity prices, the Fed moved aggressively to support the brokerage system and purchase government securities.

          In retrospect, this was the template for what became known as the "Greenspan put" – massive Fed liquidity injections aimed at stemming financial-market disruptions in the aftermath of a crisis. As the markets were battered repeatedly in the years to follow – from the savings-and-loan crisis (late 1980s) and the Gulf War (1990-1991) to the Asian Financial Crisis (1997-1998) and terrorist attacks (September 11, 2001) – the Greenspan put became an essential element of the Fed's market-driven tactics.

          The Fed had, in effect, become beholden to the monster it had created. The corollary was that it had also become steadfast in protecting the financial-market-based underpinnings of the US economy.

          Largely for that reason, and fearful of "Japan Syndrome" in the aftermath of the collapse of the US equity bubble, the Fed remained overly accommodative during the 2003-2006 period. The federal funds rate was held at a 46-year low of 1% through June 2004, before being raised 17 times in small increments of 25 basis points per move over the two-year period from mid-2004 to mid-2006. Yet it was precisely during this period of gradual normalization and prolonged accommodation that unbridled risk-taking sowed the seeds of the Great Crisis that was soon to come.

          Today's Fed inherits the deeply entrenched moral hazard of the Asset Economy. The longer the Fed remains trapped in this mindset, the tougher its dilemma becomes – and the greater the systemic risks in financial markets and the asset-dependent US economy.

          Full post here

          * * *

          Roach goes on to say that we're already seeing the beginnings of what may very well turn out to be a dramatic unwind as high yield rolls over and the emerging world struggles to cope with a soaring dollar (remember, even though EM has largely avoided "original sin" i.e. borrowing in dollars, at the sovereign level, corporates are another story).

          As an aside, those interested in a comprehensive account of what Roach covers in the article cited above are encouraged to reach David Stockman's "The Great Deformation."

          [Dec 23, 2015] The Big Short Every American Should See This Movie

          Notable quotes:
          "... Enjoyed the movie, but in typical Hollywood fashion, the role of the Federal Reserve and government in pushing housing down to those unable to afford it was not even mentioned once. ..."
          Zero Hedge
          The Big Short opens nationwide today. But it happened to have one showing last night at a theater near me. My youngest son and I hopped in the car and went to see it. I loved the book by Michael Lewis. The cast assembled for the movie was top notch, but having the director of Anchorman and Talledaga Nights handle a subject matter like high finance seemed odd.

          The choice of Adam McKay as director turned out to be brilliant. The question was how do you make a movie about the housing market, mortgage backed securities, collateralized debt obligations, collateralized debt swaps, and synthetic CDOs interesting for the average person. He succeeded beyond all expectations.

          Interweaving pop culture icons, music, symbols of materialism, and unforgettable characters, McKay has created a masterpiece about the greed, stupidity, hubris, and arrogance of Wall Street bankers gone wild. He captures the idiocy and complete capture of the rating agencies (S&P, Moodys). He reveals the ineptitude and dysfunction of the SEC, where the goal of these regulators was to get a high paying job with banks they were supposed to regulate. He skewers the faux financial journalists at the Wall Street Journal who didn't want to rock the boat with the truth about the greatest fraud ever committed.

          ...Ultimately, it is a highly entertaining movie with the right moral overtone, despite non-stop profanity that captures the true nature of Wall Street traders. This is a dangerous movie for Wall Street, the government, and the establishment in general. They count on the complexity of Wall Street to confuse the average person and make their eyes glaze over. That makes it easier for them to keep committing fraud and harvesting the nation's wealth.

          This movie cuts through the crap and reveals those in power to be corrupt, greedy weasels who aren't really as smart as they want you to think they are. The finale of the movie is sobering and infuriating. After unequivocally proving that Wall Street bankers, aided and abetted by the Federal Reserve, Congress, the SEC, and the mainstream media, destroyed the global financial system, put tens of millions out of work, got six million people tossed from their homes, and created the worst crisis since the Great Depression, the filmmakers are left to provide the depressing conclusion.

          No bankers went to jail. The Too Big To Fail banks were not broken up – they were bailed out by the American taxpayers. They actually got bigger. Their profits have reached new heights, while the average family has seen their income fall. Wall Street is paying out record bonuses, while 46 million people are on food stamps. Wall Street and their lackeys at the Federal Reserve call the shots in this country. They don't give a fuck about you. And they're doing it again.

          Every American should see this movie and get fucking pissed off. The theater was deathly silent at the end of the movie. The audience was stunned by the fact that the criminals on Wall Street got away with the crime of the century, and they're still on the loose. I had a great discussion with my 16 year old son on the way home. At least there is one millennial who understand how bad his generation is getting screwed.

          wee-weed up

          I read the book last year... It is outstanding! Highest recommendation. If you have not read this book, you cannot understand how today's market really works.

          JRobby

          This subject matter has to be put in a form that can be understood by the masses. Hopefully the popular actors and this director is a step in that direction.

          Main stream Hollywood as an informer? Hmmmmm? This adds to the current assumptions and rumors of fractures among the elite groups.

          We are reasonable people. If the banking elite is sacrificed and the other corporate oligarchs come into a more socially acceptable line, we may be satisfied. However, the banking elite must be sacrificed. There is no negotiation on that point.

          Of course some will say I am over optimistic, they are throwing it in our faces to make $$$ and it ends up a total police state so enjoy your "entertainment" for now.

          Time goes on. Time will tell.

          chunga

          First you'd have to believe that politicians give a fuck about any damn thing but themselves. REAL concern for minorities or communities LOL! Then you'd have to believe banks were forced to do *anything* they don't want.

          Then, you'd have to fall right to sleep and miss the part where all this crap was sold on Wall Street while at the same time betting against all the "shitty deals" they made, then the whole thing getting bailed out @ par. With par being at the absurd fraudulent property appraisals that were made by the lenders or their agents. It's just nuts.

          This was all planned, beginning with Greenspan. AIG's Greenberg KNEW their CDS paper was no damn good, but didn't care because the also KNEW there would be a bailout. The only problem for him was Paulson and Blankfein conspired to steal the bailout money...and they did!

          That's why all this money went looking for people...it was all planned.

          chunga

          Hundreds of scandals have gone by since then, thoroughly unpunished, so I wonder why this movie is coming out now. I looked into some of the cronies calling the shots at the GSE's back then and saved it. A lot is outdated by now. Seems like a fairly bi-partisan effort.

          FRANKLIN RAINES [D] – FNMA CEO (1999 – 2004) Raines accepted "early retirement" from his CEO position while the SEC pretended to investigate accounting irregularities. Fannie's own OHFHEO also accused him of abetting widespread accounting errors, including the shifting of losses, so he and his fellow execs could "earn" large bonuses. The WSJ reported back in 2008 that Raines was one of several cronies that received below market rates for mortgages from Countrywide. Raines alone receive loans for over $3 million while CEO of FNMA. Raines' compensation for his "work" at FNMA - $90 million.

          RAINES GRADE – F

          DANIEL MUDD [R] – FNMA CEO (2005 – 2008) Before becoming CEO of FNMA, Mudd worked at the Office of the Secretary of Defense, was an advisor to Asia-Pacific Economic Corp., "served" on the board of the Council of Foreign Relations, "consulted" at the World Bank, and held many positions at GE Capital including president and CEO. Mudd was dismissed as CEO of FNMA when FHFA became conservator in 2008. In 2011 Mudd and other GSE execs were charged by SEC with securities fraud. After his career at FNMA Mudd became CEO of a NYC hedge fund named "Fortress". Fortress invested in purchasing tax liens on delinquent property taxes from local governments under many benign corporate names such as "Pleasant Valley Capital" and "Travis Farm Investments". Cozy. Mudd's compensation for his "work" at FNMA - $80 million.

          MUDD GRADE – F

          NEEL KASHKARI [R] – FNMA CEO (Tenure is murky) Kashkari was a former investment banker for Goldman Sachs, was tapped by Hank "The Shank" Paulson to lend his skills over at TARP HQ, and now rather ironically, continues God's work as a Managing Director at PIMCO. Kashkari's compensation for his "work" at FNMA is also murky; I'll just assume it was too much.

          KASHKARI GRADE - F

          HERB ALLISON [D] – FNMA CEO (2008 – 2009) The esteemed Mr. Allison was quickly whisked off to oversee the wildly successful TARP program. I didn't find much on his compensation during his brief stint as FNMA CEO. Allison served in various positions at Merrill Lynch and became a member of the board in 1997. He was a director of the NYSE from 2003 – 2005.

          ALLISON GRADE – F

          MICHAEL WILLIAMS [?] – FNMA CEO (2009 – Jan 1, 2012) Mr. Williams is a 20 year veteran at FNMA. While "serving" as FNMA CEO, Williams managed to scrape by on less than $6 million in 2011 alone. This could and should be considered a hardship, given the complexities involved in purloining ~ $60 billion of Fed bailout money.

          WILLIAMS GRADE – F

          FANNIE'S MAJOR DANCE PARTNER, FREDDIE MAC, HAS ALSO PERFORMED VERY POORLY.

          Charles (my friends call me "Ed") Haldeman has announced his retirement plans but intends to be a good sport and stay on with insolvent FHLMC until another crony can be found to fill his wing-tips.

          That might take a while. "Serving" as CEO of the ultimate backstops for the lion's share of the MBS Ponzi is very stressful.

          We'll have to accept former Freddie exec David Kellermann's testimony posthumously. Mr. Kellermann was found hanging by the neck in the basement of his posh Vienna, VA home in the affluent suburb of Washington. D.C. way back in April of 2009. It is presumed he had no help and local police have stated there was no evidence of foul play.

          Urban Redneck

          GREED is non-partisan. And all sides agreed MOAR "home ownership" was desirable. The left got its SJW colorblind automation, while the underwriters were able to increase volumes by thousands of percent while reducing overall headcount. Securitization wasn't actually "automated" since the fuckwits were using MS-Excel, but it was commoditized with Blackrock's pricing model.

          These were the days of the original algorithms of mass financial destruction, which were primitive and largely FICO-centric, but everyone wanted to minimize the cost (of logic coding and external data sources) so they coding decisioning based solely on information contained in the mortgage application and the applicant's electronic credit report.

          khakuda

          Enjoyed the movie, but in typical Hollywood fashion, the role of the Federal Reserve and government in pushing housing down to those unable to afford it was not even mentioned once.

          Keynesians

          Wall Street is laughing at all the clowns who think this movie will "wake up America". It would have never came out if it was any kind of danger to Wall Street, the FED, or the establishment.

          Agent P

          Directed by Adam McKay (Anchorman, Step Brothers, The Other Guys....), so ... yeah I'm going to go see it. Remember the end credits for The Other Guys? He hates Wall Street....

          GoldenDonuts

          Perhaps you should read the book. These are real characters from a non fiction book. They may have changed a name or two but these are real people. I will lend you my copy if you can't afford one.

          conraddobler

          Yeah I can't imagine a commercially successful movie out of this that would actually tell the truth and make it to the screens.

          What someone should do is write one of those fantastical novels where everything is a symbol for something else and jazz it up, put some romance, danger, intrigue and of course big boobs in it.

          The real message ala the olden days usually had to be hidden to avoid the wrath of those it was really aimed at.

          [Dec 21, 2015] Weak president, neoliberal Obama and housing bubble

          Notable quotes:
          "... The relationship between low interest rates and bubbles has nothing to do with the above. Low interest rates RAISE asset prices. Through the magic of low discount rates, the future earnings and cash flows are worth a lot higher today. This is why Bernanke cut rates and kept them low. Raising asset prices and the resultant higher net worth was supposed to lead to higher spending today. But outsized returns also attracts speculation. what is so difficult to understand? John Williams of SF Fed has shown how positive returns in asset markets raises the speculators expected returns. when this dynamic gets out of control, it is a bubble. ..."
          "... That is exactly the point. Expected returns in stocks have nothing to do with earnings growth. http://www.frbsf.org/our-district/press/presidents-speeches/williams-speeches/2013/september/asset-price-bubbles-tomorrow-yesterday-never-today/ ..."
          "... You think a rise in stock prices created by a fall in the cost of capital is a bubble. ..."
          "... keeping the risk free rate at zero for 7 years is not a change in fundamentals. and if it is and it rises leading to a large fall in equity prices, you will be the first one crying uncle. so why put the economy through this? ..."
          "... Rising stock prices allow corporations to raise debt, because the stock is put up as collateral. This makes funding easier, but it doesnt favor any particular purpose of the funding. It could be to buy back stock, for example. Said buy back can raise the stock price even more, which in turn can pay off the borrowing. Didnt cost a dime. ..."
          "... It always seem to me that right wing economists credit businessmen with superhuman foresight and sophistication, except when it comes to the actions of the Fed and then something addles their brains and they become completely stupid. As I once put, it seems investors cant understand what the Fed is doing, even though they tell you. ..."
          "... Thats it exactly. Markets are efficient, unless the government does anything, and then markets lose their minds and its the governments fault. ..."
          "... Here is how they evaluate models: Good model; one that reaches the right good conclusions. Bad model; one that ends up saying stuff nobody should believe in. ..."
          "... Obama could have at least made the investigations a high priority...but he let Holder, a Wall Street attorney, consign them to the lowest. ..."
          "... Democrats filibuster-proof majority consisted of 58 Democrats and two independents who caucused with them. Only an inept President and Senate majority leader could have failed to take advantage of such a majority to implement significant parts of the party platform. ..."
          "... Gullible folks like pgl and his coterie believe what these Democrats say and waste our time defending their neoliberal behavior. ..."
          economistsview.typepad.com
          reason said... December 18, 2015 at 02:20 AM
          I wish Krugman would attack the view that is being propagated at the moment that low nominal interest rates (it seems irrespective of the reason for them) foster bubbles. It doesn't make the slightest bit of sense - leverage doesn't just magnify the gains, it magnifies the losses as well - what really counts is expectations regardless of nominal interest rates.)

          The distribution of the use of credit between pure financial speculation and productive investment is not a function of interest rates, but of things like bank culture, bank regulation and macro-economic and technological prospects.

          JF said in reply to reason... December 18, 2015 at 05:19 AM

          Great comment. I especially liked this point: "The distribution of the use of credit between pure financial speculation and productive investment is not a function of" ....

          Supervising regulators need to look carefully at the ratio of credit used for financial trading compared to credit used for what we've called real-economy matters. They should adjust the level of monitoring based on this view while they also inform policy makers including those in the legislature.

          There may be an opportunity in 2017 to revise the statutes so the public plainly says what the rules of Commerce are in these financial 'inter-mediation' areas - society is better served if more of such credit offerings go to investments in the real economy where inputs are real things like employees, supplies, equipment/technologies. The public's law can effect this change.

          david said in reply to JF...

          except that a significant chunk of institutional investors have sticky nominal targets for return thanks to the politics of return expectation setting (true for pension fund and endowments) -- low interest rates do encourage chasing phantoms or looking to extract some rents, for those subject to that kind of pressure

          sanjait said in reply to david... December 18, 2015 at 02:47 PM

          Are there enough of those to dominate securities prices?

          I don't see how there possibly could be. For everyone trying to reach for yield there are a lot of people happy to arbitrage or otherwise exploit those inefficiencies.

          pgl said in reply to reason... December 18, 2015 at 05:53 AM

          Nice comment. I think Krugman is letting others take out the bubble brains. But if he's reading your excellent comment - maybe he will go the fray.

          BenIsNotYoda said in reply to reason... December 18, 2015 at 06:35 AM

          "The distribution of the use of credit between pure financial speculation and productive investment is not a function of interest rates, but of things like bank culture, bank regulation and macro-economic and technological prospects."

          The relationship between low interest rates and bubbles has nothing to do with the above. Low interest rates RAISE asset prices. Through the magic of low discount rates, the future earnings and cash flows are worth a lot higher today. This is why Bernanke cut rates and kept them low. Raising asset prices and the resultant higher net worth was supposed to lead to higher spending today. But outsized returns also attracts speculation. what is so difficult to understand? John Williams of SF Fed has shown how positive returns in asset markets raises the speculator's expected returns. when this dynamic gets out of control, it is a bubble.

          Sanjait said in reply to BenIsNotYoda... December 18, 2015 at 07:35 AM

          It's hard to see how to your claim that expected returns are high when earnings yields across the board are historically low.

          BenIsNotYoda said in reply to Sanjait... December 18, 2015 at 07:38 AM

          That is exactly the point. Expected returns in stocks have nothing to do with earnings growth. http://www.frbsf.org/our-district/press/presidents-speeches/williams-speeches/2013/september/asset-price-bubbles-tomorrow-yesterday-never-today/

          BenIsNotYoda said in reply to BenIsNotYoda... December 18, 2015 at 07:38 AM

          I mean earnings yields not earnings growth.

          Sanjait said in reply to BenIsNotYoda... December 18, 2015 at 07:48 AM

          So you say. And yet, stock values today conform very well with the standard model Williams says doesn't historically fit the data. While you are talking bubbles, the equity risk premium is parked in the normal range.

          How do you explain that?

          BenIsNotYoda said in reply to Sanjait... December 18, 2015 at 07:54 AM

          so says Williams. dividend yields, earnings yields and risk premiums are not necessarily weighted heavily in investors' formation of expected returns. past returns do, to a great extent. that is what Williams shows.

          BenIsNotYoda said in reply to BenIsNotYoda... December 18, 2015 at 07:56 AM

          our prehistoric brains are wired to trend follow patterns.

          pgl said in reply to BenIsNotYoda... December 18, 2015 at 09:13 AM

          Williams actually tries to model the rise in stock prices and defines any increase the model cannot explain a bubble. Of course maybe his modeling is not entirely spot on and fundamentals can explain the rise stock prices.

          But this is not what you do as you see any asset price increase as a bubble. Which is beyond stupid. Of course it would help if you ever bothered to do what Williams attempted - use a basic model of financial economics. Then again my guess is that is beyond your understanding of basic financial economics. So troll on!

          BenIsNotYoda said in reply to pgl... December 18, 2015 at 10:40 AM

          You think a rise in stock prices created by a fall in the cost of capital is a bubble. But no - it is a change in fundamentals.

          keeping the risk free rate at zero for 7 years is not a change in fundamentals. and if it is and it rises leading to a large fall in equity prices, you will be the first one crying uncle. so why put the economy through this?

          JohnH said in reply to pgl... December 18, 2015 at 04:22 PM

          The first thing pgl did when stocks corrected this summer was to call for QE4...he panicked because his portfolio was threatened...but claimed that he was only worried about workers!

          Fred C. Dobbs said in reply to reason... December 18, 2015 at 10:57 AM

          It does not seem reasonable or
          fair to pay practically no interest
          on savings, which is a consequence
          of Fed policy.

          A consequence of this is that people
          go into risky investments that lead
          to catastrophe, sometimes widespread.

          If the goal was to get people to spend
          (i.e. consume) more, it seems that they
          are persistently & stubbornly frugal.

          Chris Herbert said in reply to Fred C. Dobbs... December 18, 2015 at 02:31 PM

          Rising stock prices allow corporations to raise debt, because the stock is put up as collateral. This makes funding easier, but it doesn't favor any particular purpose of the funding. It could be to buy back stock, for example. Said buy back can raise the stock price even more, which in turn can pay off the borrowing. Didn't cost a dime.

          sanjait said in reply to reason...

          Let me be the fourth person to compliment that comment.

          "leverage doesn't just magnify the gains, it magnifies the losses as well - what really counts is expectations regardless of nominal interest rates."

          QFT!

          The one hypothetical caveat (as BINY alluded to, knowingly or not) is that expectations often get out of whack based on momentum trading. So hypothetically, lowering rates could possibly feed that.

          But guess what? Rates are already at zero. They can't go lower. It's not even a question of lowering rates, but rather whether to keep them where they are. So a bubbles-from-monetary-fed-momentum argument falls completely flat. We've been at zero for 7 years now!

          reason said...

          It always seem to me that right wing economists credit businessmen with superhuman foresight and sophistication, except when it comes to the actions of the Fed and then something addles their brains and they become completely stupid. As I once put, it seems investors can't understand what the Fed is doing, even though they tell you.

          Sanjait said in reply to reason...

          That's it exactly. Markets are efficient, unless the government does anything, and then markets lose their minds and it's the government's fault.

          And somehow the RW economists see no problem with this model

          DeDude said in reply to Sanjait...

          Here is how they evaluate models: Good model; one that reaches the "right" good conclusions. Bad model; one that ends up saying stuff nobody should believe in.
          likbez said in reply to Sanjait...
          "Markets are efficient, unless the government does anything"

          This is a dangerous neoliberal dogma. Total lie.

          === quote ===
          The efficient market hypothesis (EMH) is a flavor of economic Lysenkoism which became popular for the last 30 years in the USA. It is a pseudo scientific theory or, in more politically correct terms, unrealistic idealization of market behavior. Like classic Lysenkoism in the past was supported by Stalin's totalitarian state, it was supported by the power of neoliberal state, which is the state captured by financial oligarchy (see Casino Capitalism and Quiet coup for more details).

          Among the factors ignored by EMH is the positive feedback loop inherent in any system based on factional reserve banking, the level of market players ignorance, unequal access to the real information about the markets, the level of brainwashing performed on "lemmings" by controlled by elite MSM and market manipulation by the largest players and the state.

          Economics, it is said, is the study of scarcity. There is, however, one thing that certainly isn't scarce, but which deserves the attention of economists - ignorance.
          ...Conventional economics analyses how individuals choose - maybe rationally, maybe not - from a range of options. But this raises the question: how do they know what these options are? Many feasible - even optimum - options might not occur to them. This fact has some important implications. ...
          Slightly simplifying, we can say that (financial) markets are mainly efficient in separation of fools and their money... And efficient market hypothesis mostly bypasses important question about how the inequity of resources which inevitably affects the outcomes of market participants. For example, the level of education of market players is one aspect of the inequity of resources. Herd behavior is another important, but overlooked in EMH factor.

          http://www.softpanorama.org/Skeptics/Financial_skeptic/Casino_capitalism/Pseudo_theories/Permanent_equilibrium_fallacy/Efficient_market_hypothesys/index.shtml

          Peter K. said in reply to reason...

          And/or the markets are telling the Fed something, like they don't believe the Fed's forecasts about growth and inflation and are betting otherwise, but the hawks at the Fed dismiss the markets and say we need to raise rates now.

          It's all very convenient reasoning about markets.

          Vile Content said...

          "
          constant repetition, especially in captive media, keeps this imaginary history in circulation no matter how often it is shown to be false.
          "
          ~~pK~

          ... ... ...

          anne said...

          http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/11/23/shorts-subject/

          November 23, 2015

          Shorts Subject
          By Paul Krugman

          Last night I was invited to a screening of "The Big Short," which I thought was terrific; who knew that collateralized debt obligations and credit default swaps could be made into an edge-of-your-seat narrative (with great acting)?

          But there was one shortcut the narrative took, which was understandable and possibly necessary, but still worth noting.

          In the film, various eccentrics and oddballs make the discovery that subprime-backed securities are garbage, which is pretty much what happened; but this is wrapped together with their realization that there was a massive housing bubble, which is presented as equally contrary to anything anyone respectable was saying. And that's not quite right.

          It's true that Greenspan and others were busy denying the very possibility of a housing bubble. And it's also true that anyone suggesting that such a bubble existed was attacked furiously - "You're only saying that because you hate Bush!" Still, there were a number of economic analysts making the case for a massive bubble. Here's Dean Baker in 2002. * Bill McBride (Calculated Risk) was on the case early and very effectively. I keyed off Baker and McBride, arguing for a bubble in 2004 and making my big statement about the analytics in 2005, ** that is, if anything a bit earlier than most of the events in the film. I'm still fairly proud of that piece, by the way, because I think I got it very right by emphasizing the importance of breaking apart regional trends.

          So the bubble itself was something number crunchers could see without delving into the details of mortgage-backed securities, traveling around Florida, or any of the other drama shown in the film. In fact, I'd say that the housing bubble of the mid-2000s was the most obvious thing I've ever seen, and that the refusal of so many people to acknowledge the possibility was a dramatic illustration of motivated reasoning at work.

          The financial superstructure built on the bubble was something else; I was clueless about that, and didn't see the financial crisis coming at all.

          * http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/housing_2002_08.pdf

          ** http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/08/opinion/that-hissing-sound.html

          anne said in reply to anne...

          http://www.nytimes.com/2002/08/16/opinion/mind-the-gap.html

          August 16, 2002

          Mind the Gap
          By PAUL KRUGMAN

          More and more people are using the B-word about the housing market. A recent analysis * by Dean Baker, of the Center for Economic Policy Research, makes a particularly compelling case for a housing bubble. House prices have run well ahead of rents, suggesting that people are now buying houses for speculation rather than merely for shelter. And the explanations one hears for those high prices sound more and more like the rationalizations one heard for Nasdaq 5,000.

          If we do have a housing bubble, and it bursts, we'll be looking a lot too Japanese for comfort....

          * http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/housing_2002_08.pdf

          anne said in reply to anne...

          http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/08/opinion/that-hissing-sound.html

          August 8, 2005

          That Hissing Sound
          By PAUL KRUGMAN

          This is the way the bubble ends: not with a pop, but with a hiss.

          Housing prices move much more slowly than stock prices. There are no Black Mondays, when prices fall 23 percent in a day. In fact, prices often keep rising for a while even after a housing boom goes bust.

          So the news that the U.S. housing bubble is over won't come in the form of plunging prices; it will come in the form of falling sales and rising inventory, as sellers try to get prices that buyers are no longer willing to pay. And the process may already have started.

          Of course, some people still deny that there's a housing bubble. Let me explain how we know that they're wrong.

          One piece of evidence is the sense of frenzy about real estate, which irresistibly brings to mind the stock frenzy of 1999. Even some of the players are the same. The authors of the 1999 best seller "Dow 36,000" are now among the most vocal proponents of the view that there is no housing bubble.

          Then there are the numbers. Many bubble deniers point to average prices for the country as a whole, which look worrisome but not totally crazy. When it comes to housing, however, the United States is really two countries, Flatland and the Zoned Zone.

          In Flatland, which occupies the middle of the country, it's easy to build houses. When the demand for houses rises, Flatland metropolitan areas, which don't really have traditional downtowns, just sprawl some more. As a result, housing prices are basically determined by the cost of construction. In Flatland, a housing bubble can't even get started.

          But in the Zoned Zone, which lies along the coasts, a combination of high population density and land-use restrictions - hence "zoned" - makes it hard to build new houses. So when people become willing to spend more on houses, say because of a fall in mortgage rates, some houses get built, but the prices of existing houses also go up. And if people think that prices will continue to rise, they become willing to spend even more, driving prices still higher, and so on. In other words, the Zoned Zone is prone to housing bubbles.

          And Zoned Zone housing prices, which have risen much faster than the national average, clearly point to a bubble....

          EMichael said in reply to anne...

          Yeah, the only thing he missed was the timing of the collapse.

          The day he wrote this the Fed had already raised rates 250% in one year, on the way to a total of 400% in the next 6 months.

          Yet prices accelerated until the top was reached a year after the column.

          anne said in reply to EMichael...

          http://www.nytimes.com/2006/08/25/opinion/25krugman.html

          August 25, 2006

          Housing Gets Ugly
          By PAUL KRUGMAN

          Bubble, bubble, Toll's in trouble. This week, Toll Brothers, the nation's premier builder of McMansions, announced that sales were way off, profits were down, and the company was walking away from already-purchased options on land for future development.

          Toll's announcement was one of many indications that the long-feared housing bust has arrived. Home sales are down sharply; home prices, which rose 57 percent over the past five years (and much more than that along the coasts), are now falling in much of the country. The inventory of unsold existing homes is at a 13-year high; builders' confidence is at a 15-year low.

          A year ago, Robert Toll, who runs Toll Brothers, was euphoric about the housing boom, declaring: "We've got the supply, and the market has got the demand. So it's a match made in heaven." In a New York Times profile of his company published last October, he dismissed worries about a possible bust. "Why can't real estate just have a boom like every other industry?" he asked. "Why do we have to have a bubble and then a pop?"

          The current downturn, Mr. Toll now says, is unlike anything he's seen: sales are slumping despite the absence of any "macroeconomic nasty condition" taking housing down along with the rest of the economy. He suggests that unease about the direction of the country and the war in Iraq is undermining confidence. All I have to say is: pop! ...

          EMichael said in reply to anne...

          "Mr. Toll now says, is unlike anything he's seen: sales are slumping despite the absence of any "macroeconomic nasty condition""

          You gotta love builders and RE agents. It wasn't macro that caused it, it was default rates across the board on supposedly safe investments that caused mortgage money supply to totally disappear.

          One day people will understand that payments are the key to all finance.

          JohnH said...

          "and it is an outrage that basically nobody ended up being punished ."

          Yes, indeed. And who do we have to blame for that? Obama and Holder, of course. They made the investigation of mortgage securities fraud DOJ's lowest priority. Krugman's Democratic proclivities prevent him from stating the obvious.

          I' m sure that pgl and his band of merry Obamabots will try to spin this in Obama's favor...I.e. Congress prevented him from implementing the law, even though Congress has nothing to do with it.

          Fact is, Obama has intentionally been a lame duck ever since he took office. He was even clueless on how to capitalize on a filibuster-proof majority in the midst of an economic crisis...which brings us to Trump. Many are so desperate for leadership after Obama's hollow presidency that they'll even support a racist demagogue to avoid another empty White House.

          JohnH said in reply to anne...

          Oh, please...Krugman could barely criticize Obama, even when Obama introduced an austerity budget back in 2011.

          The tendency of people like Krugman to overlook Democrats' bad behavior only encourages more bad behavior. If Krugman really cared about the policies he champions, he would let the chips fall wherever...and not let empty suits like Obama get away with austerity and failure to enforce the law when Wall Street willfully violates it.

          pgl said in reply to JohnH...

          Did you forgot to read the post before firing off your usual hate filled fact free rant? Here - let me help you out:

          "some members of the new commission had a different goal. George Santayana famously remarked that "those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it." What he didn't point out was that some people want to repeat the past - and that such people have an interest in making sure that we don't remember what happened, or that we remember it wrong. Sure enough, some commission members sought to block consideration of any historical account that might support efforts to rein in runaway bankers."

          It seems Krugman indeed bashed how the government sort of let this crooks off the hook. We know you have an insane hatred for President Obama. But do you also hate your poor mom? Why else would you continue to write such incredibly stupid things?

          JohnH said in reply to pgl...

          As I expected, rationalizations for Obama's refusal to enforce the law...since when does the buck no longer stop at the White House? And what's with trying to defend people who refuse to do their job and uphold the rule of law?

          pgl said in reply to JohnH...

          Krugman did not rationalize that. Neither have I.

          Either you know you are lying or you flunked preK reading.

          JohnH said in reply to pgl...

          Of course pgl rationalizs Obama's failures...he spent a lot of time denying that Obama introduced and signed off on austerity...and that he proposed cutting Social Security. And now he can't admit that Obama and Holder have refused to defend the rule of law by not prosecuting...or even seriously investigating...Wall Street criminality.

          RGC said in reply to William...

          Prosecutions don't require congressional action.

          Most of the New Deal was accomplished in 100 days.

          Promotion by a president can galvanize action.

          pgl said in reply to EMichael...

          The lack of prosecutions was a bad thing. Of course any prosecutor would tell you putting rich people in jail for anything is often difficult. Rich people get to hire expensive, talented, and otherwise slimy defense attorneys. I have to laugh at the idea that JohnH thinks he could have pulled this off. The slimy defense attorneys would have had his lunch before the judge's gavel could come down.

          JohnH said in reply to pgl...

          Obama could have at least made the investigations a high priority...but he let Holder, a Wall Street attorney, consign them to the lowest.

          pgl is intent on explaining away Obama's failure to enforce the law...thereby encouraging more lawlessness.

          JohnH said in reply to William...

          Democrats' filibuster-proof majority consisted of 58 Democrats and two independents who caucused with them. Only an inept President and Senate majority leader could have failed to take advantage of such a majority to implement significant parts of the party platform. Even Lieberman had a good record on many issues. Except for ACA, it turned out to be a do-nothing Congress, reflecting an abject lack of leadership...which is why many are so desperate for leadership. Having lacked it for seven years, many are willing to turn to anybody, even Trump, to provide it. Pathetic!

          RGC said in reply to William...

          No vitriol, just facts. And Obama had the example of FDR to follow - why didn't he follow it? I have been deeply disappointed in Obama.

          JohnH said in reply to pgl...

          pgl conveniently forgets my choice words about Bill Clinton, Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi. What I object to is Democrats who position themselves to sound like FDR and then prosecute a neo-liberal agenda.

          Gullible folks like pgl and his coterie believe what these Democrats say and waste our time defending their neoliberal behavior.

          [Dec 21, 2015] Monetalism is dead but remains of monetarist thinking are still lingering

          Notable quotes:
          "... Summers is right that bubbles are usually accompanied by some kind of financial euphoria. ..."
          "... There will be massive pushback because so many have wasted many years and resources building mathematically elegant but fatally flawed models that do not make accurate predictions on even represent the fundamentals of any economy. ..."
          economistsview.typepad.com
          Peter K. said in reply to pgl... December 16, 2015 at 10:07 AM
          "It seems to me looking at a year when the stock market has gone down a bit, credit spreads have widened substantially and the dollar has been very strong it is hard to say that now is the time to fire a shot across the bow of financial euphoria. Looking especially at emerging markets I would judge that under-confidence and excessive risk aversion are a greater threat over the next several years than some kind of financial euphoria."

          Summers is right that bubbles are usually accompanied by some kind of financial euphoria.

          ... ... ...

          Peter K. said in reply to Benedict@Large...

          I disagree with your assessment. People (elite?) are talking about unusual solutions because fiscal policy is being blocked politically.

          MMT doesn't seem that different from Keynesianism, except proponents have very big chips on their shoulders for some reason.

          Right now the Keynesians are arguing that the Fed shouldn't raise rates. Are the MMTers arguing any differently? Or are they merely giving us the blue prints for utopia. Blue prints don't help much if the politics are against you.

          Syaloch said in reply to Peter K....

          Great question.

          If I have two black boxes that always produce exactly the same outputs, does it matter whether their internal mechanisms are different?

          Dan Kervick said in reply to Syaloch...
          "Or maybe they would be effective because people believe they ought to be effective."

          Possibly. I think back in the 80's when monetarism was the super-sexy new view, there were a lot of people who thought inflation was mainly a function of the monetary base, so if the Fed made a big public stink about pumping up the monetary base, that could be counted on the boost inflation expectations, at least in some quarters, and the high expectations would in turn help to boost actual inflation. That doesn't seem to be the case any longer.

          Dan Kervick said in reply to pgl...
          The heyday of monetarism was the late 70's and early 80's. That's when Friedman's monetary theory of inflation caught the public imagination, and it's the only time the Fed ever attempted (briefly) to target the money supply.

          Conservative spear-carrier Niall Ferguson knows how important monetarism was to the neoliberal movement, and how big a deal it was during the Thatcher-Reagan era.

          http://www.niallferguson.com/journalism/finance-economics/friedman-is-dead-monetarism-is-dead-but-what-about-inflation

          Other references to the heyday of monetarism abound:

          http://www.voxeu.org/article/nominal-gdp-targeting-developing-nations

          Dan Kervick said in reply to pgl...
          The heyday of monetarism was the late 70's and early 80's. That's when Friedman's monetary theory of inflation caught the public imagination, and it's the only time the Fed ever attempted (briefly) to target the money supply.

          Conservative spear-carrier Niall Ferguson knows how important monetarism was to the neoliberal movement, and how big a deal it was during the Thatcher-Reagan era.

          http://www.niallferguson.com/journalism/finance-economics/friedman-is-dead-monetarism-is-dead-but-what-about-inflation

          Other references to the heyday of monetarism abound:

          http://www.voxeu.org/article/nominal-gdp-targeting-developing-nations

          bakho said... December 16, 2015 at 05:45 AM
          Kevin Hoover, The emperor has no clothes!

          "Given what we know about representative-agent models…there is not the slightest reason for us to think that the conditions under which they should work are fulfilled. The claim that representative-agent models provide microfundations succeeds only when we steadfastly avoid the fact that representative-agent models are just as aggregative as old-fashioned Keynesian macroeconometric models. They do not solve the problem of aggregation; rather they assume that it can be ignored."

          This the reason Macro needs to move into more data driven empirics.

          There will be massive pushback because so many have wasted many years and resources building mathematically elegant but fatally flawed models that do not make accurate predictions on even represent the fundamentals of any economy.

          Syaloch said... December 16, 2015 at 05:50 AM

          The Advantages of Higher Inflation - The New York Times

          From the article:

          "A critical problem with aiming for higher inflation is how to get from here to there. The Fed has spent enormous effort anchoring people's expectations to 2 percent. Even economists sympathetic to a higher target are wary of what such a shift might do to its credibility.

          "'A perfect world, where you could commit to 4 percent and everybody believed it, would be great,' Mr. Mishkin told me. 'We are not in a perfect world. Moving much higher than 2 percent raises the risk that expectations become unanchored.'

          "So here is an alternative proposal. If the Fed is too cautious to risk unhinging inflationary expectations, how about just delivering what it has promised? Among economists and investors, the problem with the Fed's 2 percent target is that just about everybody believes it is really a ceiling. That makes it even harder for inflation to rise to that level. The market expects the Fed to act pre-emptively to ensure it never goes over that line - which is what it seems to be doing now.

          "If the Fed is not going to aim for higher inflation, the least it could do is re-anchor expectations to the goal it established, allowing inflation to fluctuate above and below a 2 percent average. That alone might help deal with the next economic crisis.

          "'We haven't fully tested whether we can deal with this kind of crisis with a 2 percent inflation target,' said David H. Romer of the University of California, Berkeley. 'Central banks have lots of tools. If they say they are willing to keep using them until they get where they want, they can eventually do it.'"

          This highlights a confusing aspect of inflation targets. If the Fed simply announces a higher inflation target without taking any other action, have they really done anything? What's more, they not only need to announce the new target, they need to convince markets that they are willing to do whatever it takes to hit that target -- it's all about credibility and re-anchoring expectations. And while engaging in QE to push down longer-term rates might help make that statement more convincing, it doesn't seem to be strictly necessary for the new target to be effective.

          Thus inflation targets seem in at least some cases to operate purely through psychological manipulation, as a sort of placebo effect: inflation rises not because the Fed has injected money into the economy today or changed the cost of lending today, but rather because the Fed is able to "trick" markets into believing it will rise in the future.

          Peter K. said in reply to Syaloch...

          And the reverse is true. The markets are skeptical that the Fed will hit its 2 percent ceiling target any time soon.

          Inflation expectations are becoming un-anchored on the downside but nobody cares because .... oil.

          Dan Kervick said in reply to Peter K....
          I guess we'll all have to wait for Yellen's future memoirs to know the thinking that was going on inside the Fed during 2015. But it's interesting that both Yellen and Stanley Fischer, both formerly held in gigantic respect by the more prominent liberal economists, are now the targets of ire for apparently not seeing eye-to-eye with their opinionated friends on the outside. Despite the fact that BoG members have access to mountains of internal research and policy input that people on the outside can only guess at, the default position of the outsiders is that the insiders have been corrupted by power and fast-talking bankers or something.

          Here's my conjecture about what the Fed's thinking is: The Fed recognizes that keeping policy interest rates down at an unprecedentedly low basement level for years on end sends this message to the global economy: the US economy is a sick basket case. It needs the permanent life support of extraordinary monetary policy intervention to be kept from flat-lining.

          I think the people who actually work inside the Fed think that is total bunk, and that as they gradually wean the financial sector off of the monetary ventilator, nothing bad is going to happen at all. The patient is going to get up, walk around and breathe normally. And when that happens, it will say, "Wow, maybe I should have tried that earlier!" Business confidence will spurt; people will think, "Hey, I guess we're not in that gloomy post-2008 depression any more!", and the country will get on with its business more cheerfully.

          The Fed has had a devil of a time getting back to normal, because despite its best intentions it has inadvertently re-defined a condition of zero rates and excess reserves bleeding from bankers's ears as the new normal, and created an out-of-control public fixation on monetary policy intervention. Fed communications strategies aimed at guiding the market have turned back on them in a reflexive and self-defeating cycle. They got themselves into a terrible pattern for a while where every time there was good economic news, the markets would respond negatively because they interpreted the good news as evidence that the Fed would "taper" - which they regarded as bad news! And if there was bad news, the markets would respond favorably because they saw the bad news as evidence that the fed would "remain aggressive" - which is good news! Obviously that's a pretty pathological cycle to be in: it's a mechanism fro economic self-stultification. Indicating a move toward normalization too suddenly in 2013 caused the irrational "taper tantrum", so they have had to go more slowly this time around with the hand-holding and by building a longer "guidance" runway.

          Their chief need now is to push back against the monetary maniacs and hyperventilators who keep trying to convince impressionable business people and consumers that the Fed has somehow been "keeping the economy" afloat, and that when interest rates go up - from 1/4 to 1/2 of a percent! - we're all going to drown. If you have enough ambulance chasers convincing people they are sick and damaged, they will act sick and damaged.

          [Dec 20, 2015] Paul Krugman: The Big Short, Housing Bubbles and Retold Lies

          Notable quotes:
          "... I get the feeling that if doing a film review of The Force Awakens , most economists would be rooting for the Empire to win - after all the empire will bring free trade within its borders, like the EU. ..."
          "... In market fundamentalist world, markets dont fail. They can only be failed. Though its still not clear how they think a little bit of government incentive for loans to low income borrowers caused the entire financial sector to lose its mind wrt CDOs. ..."
          "... The distribution of the use of credit between pure financial speculation and productive investment is not a function of interest rates, but of things like bank culture, bank regulation and macro-economic and technological prospects. ..."
          "... ....Supervising regulators need to look carefully at the ratio of credit used for financial trading compared to credit used for what weve called real-economy matters. They should adjust the level of monitoring based on this view while they also inform policy makers including those in the legislature. ..."
          "... except that a significant chunk of institutional investors have sticky nominal targets for return thanks to the politics of return expectation setting (true for pension fund and endowments) -- low interest rates do encourage chasing phantoms or looking to extract some rents, for those subject to that kind of pressure ..."
          "... The relationship between low interest rates and bubbles has nothing to do with the above. Low interest rates RAISE asset prices. Through the magic of low discount rates, the future earnings and cash flows are worth a lot higher today. This is why Bernanke cut rates and kept them low. Raising asset prices and the resultant higher net worth was supposed to lead to higher spending today. But outsized returns also attracts speculation. what is so difficult to understand? John Williams of SF Fed has shown how positive returns in asset markets raises the speculators expected returns. when this dynamic gets out of control, it is a bubble. ..."
          "... Yes, indeed. And who do we have to blame for that? Obama and Holder, of course. They made the investigation of mortgage securities fraud DOJs lowest priority. Krugmans Democratic proclivities prevent him from stating the obvious. ..."
          "... Fact is, Obama has intentionally been a lame duck ever since he took office. He was even clueless on how to capitalize on a filibuster-proof majority in the midst of an economic crisis...which brings us to Trump. Many are so desperate for leadership after Obamas hollow presidency that theyll even support a racist demagogue to avoid another empty White House. ..."
          "... Yes you are correct. From 2001 into 2008 when all of the liar and ninja loans were being made, not one government official stepped forward to investigate the possibility of fraud, the predatory lending, the misrepresentation of loans taking place, the loans with teaser rates which later ballooned, the packing of loans with deceptive fees, the illegal kick backs, etc. Not one. To make matters worst, the administration from 2001-2008 aligned itself with the banks along with the maestro hisself Greenspan. ..."
          "... When state AGs took on the burden of investigating the flagrant violations, the administration moves to block them saying they had no jurisdiction to do so. It did this through the OCC issuing rules preventing the states from prosecuting the banks. Besides blocking any investigation, the OCC failed in its mission to audit the banks for which it was by law to do. ..."
          economistsview.typepad.com

          Why are Murdoch-controlled newspapers attacking "The Big Short?"

          'The Big Short,' Housing Bubbles and Retold Lies, by Paul krugman, Commentary, NY Times: In May 2009 Congress created a special commission to examine the causes of the financial crisis. The idea was to emulate the celebrated Pecora Commission of the 1930s, which used careful historical analysis to help craft regulations that gave America two generations of financial stability.

          But some members of the new commission had a different goal. ... Peter Wallison of the American Enterprise Institute, wrote to a fellow Republican on the commission ... it was important that what they said "not undermine the ability of the new House G.O.P. to modify or repeal Dodd-Frank"...; the party line, literally, required telling stories that would help Wall Street do it all over again.

          Which brings me to a new movie the enemies of financial regulation really, really don't want you to see.

          "The Big Short" ... does a terrific job of making Wall Street skulduggery entertaining, of exploiting the inherent black humor of how it went down. ... But you don't want me to play film critic; you want to know whether the movie got the underlying ... story right. And the answer is yes, in all the ways that matter. ...

          The ...housing ... bubble ... was inflated largely via opaque financial schemes that in many cases amounted to outright fraud - and it is an outrage that basically nobody ended up being punished ... aside from innocent bystanders, namely the millions of workers who lost their jobs and the millions of families that lost their homes.

          While the movie gets the essentials of the financial crisis right, the true story ... is deeply inconvenient to some very rich and powerful people. They and their intellectual hired guns have therefore spent years disseminating an alternative view ... that places all the blame ... on ... too much government, especially government-sponsored agencies supposedly pushing too many loans on the poor.

          Never mind that the supposed evidence for this view has been thoroughly debunked..., constant repetition, especially in captive media, keeps this imaginary history in circulation no matter how often it is shown to be false.

          Sure enough, "The Big Short" has already been the subject of vitriolic attacks in Murdoch-controlled newspapers...

          The ... people who made "The Big Short" should consider the attacks a kind of compliment: The attackers obviously worry that the film is entertaining enough that it will expose a large audience to the truth. Let's hope that their fears are justified.

          btg said in reply to pgl...

          I get the feeling that if doing a film review of "The Force Awakens", most economists would be rooting for the Empire to win - after all the empire will bring free trade within its borders, like the EU. Krugman would not, however.

          Sanjait said...

          In market fundamentalist world, markets don't fail. They can only be failed. Though it's still not clear how they think a little bit of government incentive for loans to low income borrowers caused the entire financial sector to lose its mind wrt CDOs.

          Are markets efficient or not? I feel like the fundiesndont really have a coherent explanation for what happened, other than insisting the government somehow did it.

          reason said...

          I wish Krugman would attack the view that is being propagated at the moment that low nominal interest rates (it seems irrespective of the reason for them) foster bubbles. It doesn't make the slightest bit of sense - leverage doesn't just magnify the gains, it magnifies the losses as well - what really counts is expectations regardless of nominal interest rates.)

          The distribution of the use of credit between pure financial speculation and productive investment is not a function of interest rates, but of things like bank culture, bank regulation and macro-economic and technological prospects.

          reason said... December 18, 2015 at 02:32 AM

          It always seem to me that right wing economists credit businessmen with superhuman foresight and sophistication, except when it comes to the actions of the Fed and then something addles their brains and they become completely stupid. As I once put, it seems investors can't understand what the Fed is doing, even though they tell you.

          Sanjait said in reply to reason... December 18, 2015 at 08:06 AM

          That's it exactly. Markets are efficient, unless the government does anything, and then markets lose their minds and it's the government's fault.

          And somehow the RW economists see no problem with this model

          DeDude said in reply to Sanjait... December 18, 2015 at 08:18 AM

          Here is how they evaluate models:

          Good model; one that reaches the "right" good conclusions. Bad model; one that ends up saying stuff nobody should believe in.

          likbez said in reply to Sanjait...

          "Markets are efficient, unless the government does anything"

          This is a dangerous neoliberal dogma. Total lie.

          === quote ===
          The efficient market hypothesis (EMH) is a flavor of economic Lysenkoism which became popular for the last 30 years in the USA. It is a pseudo scientific theory or, in more politically correct terms, unrealistic idealization of market behavior. Like classic Lysenkoism in the past was supported by Stalin's totalitarian state, it was supported by the power of neoliberal state, which is the state captured by financial oligarchy (see Casino Capitalism and Quiet coup for more details).

          Among the factors ignored by EMH is the positive feedback loop inherent in any system based on factional reserve banking, the level of market players ignorance, unequal access to the real information about the markets, the level of brainwashing performed on "lemmings" by controlled by elite MSM and market manipulation by the largest players and the state.

          Economics, it is said, is the study of scarcity. There is, however, one thing that certainly isn't scarce, but which deserves the attention of economists - ignorance.
          ...Conventional economics analyses how individuals choose - maybe rationally, maybe not - from a range of options. But this raises the question: how do they know what these options are? Many feasible - even optimum - options might not occur to them. This fact has some important implications. ...
          Slightly simplifying, we can say that (financial) markets are mainly efficient in separation of fools and their money... And efficient market hypothesis mostly bypasses important question about how the inequity of resources which inevitably affects the outcomes of market participants. For example, the level of education of market players is one aspect of the inequity of resources. Herd behavior is another important, but overlooked in EMH factor.

          http://www.softpanorama.org/Skeptics/Financial_skeptic/Casino_capitalism/Pseudo_theories/Permanent_equilibrium_fallacy/Efficient_market_hypothesys/index.shtml

          JF said in reply to reason...

          Great comment. I especially liked this point: "The distribution of the use of credit between pure financial speculation and productive investment is not a function of"

          ....Supervising regulators need to look carefully at the ratio of credit used for financial trading compared to credit used for what we've called real-economy matters. They should adjust the level of monitoring based on this view while they also inform policy makers including those in the legislature.

          There may be an opportunity in 2017 to revise the statutes so the public plainly says what the rules of Commerce are in these financial 'inter-mediation' areas - society is better served if more of such credit offerings go to investments in the real economy where inputs are real things like employees, supplies, equipment/technologies. The public's law can effect this change.

          david said in reply to JF...

          except that a significant chunk of institutional investors have sticky nominal targets for return thanks to the politics of return expectation setting (true for pension fund and endowments) -- low interest rates do encourage chasing phantoms or looking to extract some rents, for those subject to that kind of pressure

          BenIsNotYoda said in reply to reason...

          "The distribution of the use of credit between pure financial speculation and productive investment is not a function of interest rates, but of things like bank culture, bank regulation and macro-economic and technological prospects."

          The relationship between low interest rates and bubbles has nothing to do with the above. Low interest rates RAISE asset prices. Through the magic of low discount rates, the future earnings and cash flows are worth a lot higher today. This is why Bernanke cut rates and kept them low. Raising asset prices and the resultant higher net worth was supposed to lead to higher spending today. But outsized returns also attracts speculation. what is so difficult to understand? John Williams of SF Fed has shown how positive returns in asset markets raises the speculator's expected returns. when this dynamic gets out of control, it is a bubble.

          Sanjait said in reply to BenIsNotYoda...

          It's hard to see how to your claim that expected returns are high when earnings yields across the board are historically low.

          BenIsNotYoda said in reply to Sanjait...

          That is exactly the point. Expected returns in stocks have nothing to do with earnings growth.

          http://www.frbsf.org/our-district/press/presidents-speeches/williams-speeches/2013/september/asset-price-bubbles-tomorrow-yesterday-never-today/

          Fred C. Dobbs said in reply to reason...

          It does not seem reasonable or fair to pay practically no interest on savings, which is a consequence of Fed policy. A consequence of this is that people go into risky investments that lead to catastrophe, sometimes widespread. If the goal was to get people to spend (i.e. consume) more, it seems that they are persistently & stubbornly frugal.

          anne, December 18, 2015 at 06:37 AM

          http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/11/23/shorts-subject/

          November 23, 2015

          Shorts Subject
          By Paul Krugman

          Last night I was invited to a screening of "The Big Short," which I thought was terrific; who knew that collateralized debt obligations and credit default swaps could be made into an edge-of-your-seat narrative (with great acting)?

          But there was one shortcut the narrative took, which was understandable and possibly necessary, but still worth noting.

          In the film, various eccentrics and oddballs make the discovery that subprime-backed securities are garbage, which is pretty much what happened; but this is wrapped together with their realization that there was a massive housing bubble, which is presented as equally contrary to anything anyone respectable was saying. And that's not quite right.

          It's true that Greenspan and others were busy denying the very possibility of a housing bubble. And it's also true that anyone suggesting that such a bubble existed was attacked furiously - "You're only saying that because you hate Bush!" Still, there were a number of economic analysts making the case for a massive bubble. Here's Dean Baker in 2002. * Bill McBride (Calculated Risk) was on the case early and very effectively. I keyed off Baker and McBride, arguing for a bubble in 2004 and making my big statement about the analytics in 2005, ** that is, if anything a bit earlier than most of the events in the film. I'm still fairly proud of that piece, by the way, because I think I got it very right by emphasizing the importance of breaking apart regional trends.

          So the bubble itself was something number crunchers could see without delving into the details of mortgage-backed securities, traveling around Florida, or any of the other drama shown in the film. In fact, I'd say that the housing bubble of the mid-2000s was the most obvious thing I've ever seen, and that the refusal of so many people to acknowledge the possibility was a dramatic illustration of motivated reasoning at work.

          The financial superstructure built on the bubble was something else; I was clueless about that, and didn't see the financial crisis coming at all.

          * http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/housing_2002_08.pdf

          ** http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/08/opinion/that-hissing-sound.html

          anne said in reply to anne... December 18, 2015 at 06:43 AM

          http://www.nytimes.com/2002/08/16/opinion/mind-the-gap.html

          August 16, 2002

          Mind the Gap
          By PAUL KRUGMAN

          More and more people are using the B-word about the housing market. A recent analysis * by Dean Baker, of the Center for Economic Policy Research, makes a particularly compelling case for a housing bubble. House prices have run well ahead of rents, suggesting that people are now buying houses for speculation rather than merely for shelter. And the explanations one hears for those high prices sound more and more like the rationalizations one heard for Nasdaq 5,000.

          If we do have a housing bubble, and it bursts, we'll be looking a lot too Japanese for comfort....

          * http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/housing_2002_08.pdf

          anne said in reply to anne... December 18, 2015 at 06:44 AM

          http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/08/opinion/that-hissing-sound.html

          August 8, 2005

          That Hissing Sound
          By PAUL KRUGMAN

          This is the way the bubble ends: not with a pop, but with a hiss.

          Housing prices move much more slowly than stock prices. There are no Black Mondays, when prices fall 23 percent in a day. In fact, prices often keep rising for a while even after a housing boom goes bust.

          So the news that the U.S. housing bubble is over won't come in the form of plunging prices; it will come in the form of falling sales and rising inventory, as sellers try to get prices that buyers are no longer willing to pay. And the process may already have started.

          Of course, some people still deny that there's a housing bubble. Let me explain how we know that they're wrong.

          One piece of evidence is the sense of frenzy about real estate, which irresistibly brings to mind the stock frenzy of 1999. Even some of the players are the same. The authors of the 1999 best seller "Dow 36,000" are now among the most vocal proponents of the view that there is no housing bubble.

          Then there are the numbers. Many bubble deniers point to average prices for the country as a whole, which look worrisome but not totally crazy. When it comes to housing, however, the United States is really two countries, Flatland and the Zoned Zone.

          In Flatland, which occupies the middle of the country, it's easy to build houses. When the demand for houses rises, Flatland metropolitan areas, which don't really have traditional downtowns, just sprawl some more. As a result, housing prices are basically determined by the cost of construction. In Flatland, a housing bubble can't even get started.

          But in the Zoned Zone, which lies along the coasts, a combination of high population density and land-use restrictions - hence "zoned" - makes it hard to build new houses. So when people become willing to spend more on houses, say because of a fall in mortgage rates, some houses get built, but the prices of existing houses also go up. And if people think that prices will continue to rise, they become willing to spend even more, driving prices still higher, and so on. In other words, the Zoned Zone is prone to housing bubbles.

          And Zoned Zone housing prices, which have risen much faster than the national average, clearly point to a bubble....

          EMichael said in reply to anne... December 18, 2015 at 06:59 AM

          Yeah, the only thing he missed was the timing of the collapse. The day he wrote this the Fed had already raised rates 250% in one year, on the way to a total of 400% in the next 6 months.

          Yet prices accelerated until the top was reached a year after the column.

          anne said in reply to EMichael... December 18, 2015 at 07:43 AM

          http://www.nytimes.com/2006/08/25/opinion/25krugman.html

          August 25, 2006

          Housing Gets Ugly
          By PAUL KRUGMAN

          Bubble, bubble, Toll's in trouble. This week, Toll Brothers, the nation's premier builder of McMansions, announced that sales were way off, profits were down, and the company was walking away from already-purchased options on land for future development.

          Toll's announcement was one of many indications that the long-feared housing bust has arrived. Home sales are down sharply; home prices, which rose 57 percent over the past five years (and much more than that along the coasts), are now falling in much of the country. The inventory of unsold existing homes is at a 13-year high; builders' confidence is at a 15-year low.

          A year ago, Robert Toll, who runs Toll Brothers, was euphoric about the housing boom, declaring: "We've got the supply, and the market has got the demand. So it's a match made in heaven." In a New York Times profile of his company published last October, he dismissed worries about a possible bust. "Why can't real estate just have a boom like every other industry?" he asked. "Why do we have to have a bubble and then a pop?"

          The current downturn, Mr. Toll now says, is unlike anything he's seen: sales are slumping despite the absence of any "macroeconomic nasty condition" taking housing down along with the rest of the economy. He suggests that unease about the direction of the country and the war in Iraq is undermining confidence. All I have to say is: pop! ...

          EMichael said in reply to anne... December 18, 2015 at 07:52 AM

          "Mr. Toll now says, is unlike anything he's seen: sales are slumping despite the absence of any "macroeconomic nasty condition""

          You gotta love builders and RE agents. It wasn't macro that caused it, it was default rates across the board on supposedly safe investments that caused mortgage money supply to totally disappear.

          One day people will understand that payments are the key to all finance.

          JohnH said...

          "and it is an outrage that basically nobody ended up being punished ."

          Yes, indeed. And who do we have to blame for that? Obama and Holder, of course. They made the investigation of mortgage securities fraud DOJ's lowest priority. Krugman's Democratic proclivities prevent him from stating the obvious.

          I' m sure that pgl and his band of merry Obamabots will try to spin this in Obama's favor...I.e. Congress prevented him from implementing the law, even though Congress has nothing to do with it.

          Fact is, Obama has intentionally been a lame duck ever since he took office. He was even clueless on how to capitalize on a filibuster-proof majority in the midst of an economic crisis...which brings us to Trump. Many are so desperate for leadership after Obama's hollow presidency that they'll even support a racist demagogue to avoid another empty White House.

          run75441 said in reply to JohnH...

          Yes you are correct. From 2001 into 2008 when all of the liar and ninja loans were being made, not one government official stepped forward to investigate the possibility of fraud, the predatory lending, the misrepresentation of loans taking place, the loans with "teaser" rates which later ballooned, the packing of loans with deceptive fees, the illegal kick backs, etc. Not one. To make matters worst, the administration from 2001-2008 aligned itself with the banks along with the maestro hisself "Greenspan."

          When state AGs took on the burden of investigating the flagrant violations, the administration moves to block them saying they had no jurisdiction to do so. It did this through the OCC issuing rules preventing the states from prosecuting the banks. Besides blocking any investigation, the OCC failed in its mission to audit the banks for which it was by law to do.

          What was the SEC doing during this time period? What was the administration doing with Enron in 2002? Didn't Cheney get sued by the GAO to find out who he was talking to at Enron?

          Yes there is the matter of not prosecuting banking execs after 2008; however, the issue was allowed to grow during the prior administration and left on the next administration's doorstep. Closing the barn door after the perps have escaped is a bit late and it should have been stopped dead in its tracks during the prior 8 years.

          So keep going down that path and we can also talk about fraud with tranching, CDS, Naked CDs, reserves, etc.

          So, where was the administration during this time period?

          DeDude said...

          Subprime loans in poor communities represented a very small fraction of the total subprime volume and defaulted loans. I mean talk about the mouse and the elephant. Yet the FoxBots are being convinced to look at those scary mice and all that thundering noise they are making.

          Alex H said in reply to Peter K....
          In the book, one of the supposed villains went to the division of AIG that was selling CDSes (i.e. "insuring" the toxic crap) and explained to a direct subordinate of the division exactly how his bank and the other companies of Wall Street were suckering them into taking on absurd risks. In *2005*.

          Because he was massively short in this market, and AIG pulling the plug would have popped the bubble. Nobody else was selling CDSes (then), and Wall Street couldn't have pretended that their risks were covered without them. That doesn't make him a hero, but seriously, if AIG had listened, no collapse.

          Several of the characters effectively called up the ratings agencies to shout at them. Others called NYT and WSJ reporters, who ignored them. Then they called the SEC's enforcement division, who ignored them.

          Besides, if the other side in all of those bets were foreign "widows and orphans", then it wouldn't have wrecked the financial system. If Bear Stearns had been sitting as the middleman between a Korean pension fund and Steve Eisman, they'd have just taken their cut and moved on.

          [Dec 16, 2015] Study: Elite scientists can hold back science

          Notable quotes:
          "... "A new scientific truth does not triumph by convincing its opponents and making them see the light, but rather because its opponents eventually die, and a new generation grows up that is familiar with it." ..."
          "... Unlike the collaborators, presumably, these newcomers are less beholden to the dead luminaries. They were "less likely to cite the deceased star's work at all," the report states. And they seemed to be making novel advances in science: ..."
          "... All this suggest there's a "goliath's shadow" effect. People are either prevented from or afraid of challenging a leading thinker in a field. That or scientific subfields are like grown-up versions of high school cafeteria tables. New people just can't sit there until the queen bee dies. ..."
          "... (The authors caution that gatekeeping by elite researchers isn't always a bad thing. "Gatekeeping activities could have beneficial properties when [a] field is in its inception," granting scientists more room to take risks.) ..."
          Dec 15, 2015 | www.vox.com

          Max Planck - the Nobel Prize–winning physicist who pioneered quantum theory - once said the following about scientific progress:

          "A new scientific truth does not triumph by convincing its opponents and making them see the light, but rather because its opponents eventually die, and a new generation grows up that is familiar with it."

          Shorter: Science is not immune to interpersonal bullshit. Scientists can be stubborn. They can use their gravitas to steamroll new ideas. Which means those new ideas often only prevail when older scientists die.

          Recently, researchers at the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) released a working paper - titled, "Does Science Advance One Funeral at a Time?" - that puts Planck's principle to the test.

          Sifting through citations in the PubMed database, they found evidence that when a prominent researcher suddenly dies in an academic subfield, a period of new ideas and innovation follow.

          The NBER team identified 12,935 "elite" scientists - based on the amount of funding they receive, how many times they've published, how many patents they invented, or whether they were members of the National Academies of Sciences or the Institute of Medicine. Searching through obituaries, they found 452 of these elite researchers died before retirement. Because science leaves a dense paper trail of citations, publish dates, and author bylines, it's (relatively) easy to track changes in publishing patterns after a prominent death.

          Here's the pattern: After the unexpected death of a rock-star scientist, their frequent collaborators - the junior researchers who authored papers with them - suddenly see a drop in publication. At the same time, there is a marked increase in published work by other newcomers to the field:

          Unlike the collaborators, presumably, these newcomers are less beholden to the dead luminaries. They were "less likely to cite the deceased star's work at all," the report states. And they seemed to be making novel advances in science:

          The new articles represent substantial contributions, at least as measured by long-run citation impact. Together, these results paint a picture of scientific fields as scholarly guilds to which elite scientists can regulate access, providing them with outsized opportunities to shape the direction of scientific advance in that space.

          All this suggest there's a "goliath's shadow" effect. People are either prevented from or afraid of challenging a leading thinker in a field. That or scientific subfields are like grown-up versions of high school cafeteria tables. New people just can't sit there until the queen bee dies.

          What's interesting is that the deaths seemed to hurt the careers of the luminaries' junior collaborators, the ones who frequently co-authored papers with them but not in a senior role. "The death of an elite scientist has a negative and seemingly permanent impact on the productivity of their coauthors," the study reports. They published less, while outsiders flooded the void.

          (The authors caution that gatekeeping by elite researchers isn't always a bad thing. "Gatekeeping activities could have beneficial properties when [a] field is in its inception," granting scientists more room to take risks.)

          All of this is another example of how progress in science is confounded by human behavior. We see this in so many ways. Scientists lie about results. Or they discount insights derived from failures. Science is so obsessed with the rewards of solving complicated problems that it forgets about the simple ones. The field overwhelmingly is biased toward males (experiments have shown "John" gets more accolades than "Jennifer" with the identical résumé).

          It's worth remembering: Science may be a noble discipline based on cold logic and rational observation; but humans are animals fueled by emotion and bias. As the NBER researchers conclude: "[T]he idiosyncratic stances of individual scientists can do much to alter, or at least delay, the course of scientific advance."

          [Dec 15, 2015] Noahpinion Academic B.S. as artificial barriers to entry

          Notable quotes:
          "... And of course, some folks accuse the economics profession of being a front for laissez-faire ideology. ..."
          "... Or an entire field, which labored mightily to understand why they missed the second worse crisis in 80 years, only to discover it was for the same reason they missed the worst crisis 80 years ago. ..."
          "... It is that economics matter and the nonsense that dominates the discourse, and therefore policy, affects everyone's life. ..."
          "... So console yourself that as bad of writers most economist are, their obscurantism is couched in equations so it's harder for the unschooled to ridicule heir papers. ..."
          "... A cynical advantage to the increased use or mathematics and mathiness is that the economics field gets to use university math departments to thin the herd just like the engineering field does. Better still, the filter imposed by requiring calculus, statistics and differential equations is not always anticipated: while prospective engineers take AP Calculus and end up in a class where they already know half the material, prospective economists enter Calculus I and flunk out. ..."
          "... General Equilibrium, Rational Expectations, Microfoundations, The parculiar definitions of "Rationality" and "Efficiency", Utility Optimization, etc. are all very ideologically driven, and if you do not conform to these standards, you are not accepted within the discipline. I've been told just how completely unreadable Econ papers are, not even talking about the math component, thanks to all of the Jargon. ..."
          noahpinionblog.blogspot.com

          Paul Romer complains of "mathiness" in macroeconomics. Paul Pfleiderer talks about "chameleon" models. Ricardo Caballero says macroeconomists encourage the "pretense of knowledge". Everywhere, people complain about economists' fetish for pointless model-making.

          And of course, some folks accuse the economics profession of being a front for laissez-faire ideology.

          ...A commenter points out that, as usual, Feynman did this snark way before I did.

          Jammer812 10:00 PM

          Does it really matter if its obscurantism or tendentious cant that a certain type of of economist engages in (cough, neo Fisherism, cough), and then declare victory, when another prominent economist spend 70 pages to find out that if everyone can do algebra in their heads, it might, just might possibly be true. So lets assume a can opener.. sorry I mean that people can, when experience teaches us that most people can't calculate a 20% tip.

          Or on the other side, we have the economist who knows that because they are now accounting for the financial sector their DSGE model is just going to nail it.

          Or how about a Noble committee that gives a prize to one economist, whose work is disproved by another economist who shared the prize.

          Or an entire field, which labored mightily to understand why they missed the second worse crisis in 80 years, only to discover it was for the same reason they missed the worst crisis 80 years ago.

          The difference between critical urban theory, or litcrit, or pomo philosophy or popomo art theory and economics isn't that it is easier for people to make fun . It is that economics matter and the nonsense that dominates the discourse, and therefore policy, affects everyone's life.

          So console yourself that as bad of writers most economist are, their obscurantism is couched in equations so it's harder for the unschooled to ridicule heir papers.

          Anonymous 1:56 PM

          Presumably, no one here would expect a humanities PhD to determine whether an economic theory paper is accurate or useful. Why should the reverse be true?

          There may well be advantages to this "obscure" language, in the same way that Bourbaki-esque notation and abstraction is useful in economics. This is communication between experts; the notion that you should be able to understand it most likely reflects a disrespect for the given field itself.

          I don't envy any theorist whose primary tool of communication is verbal, but if I were put in that position, you may well expect a complex vocabulary to accompany complex ideas (or even simple ideas, rigorously stated). There may well be problems in the humanities, but we're not qualified to recognize them.

          Graham Peterson 4:52 PM

          Agree about cartels, but I don't think they're that schematic or conspiratorial. Professors across disciplines really do believe they are contributing to something beyond themselves, to knowledge or truth, and grabbing territory and raising salaries is just a means toward those altruistic ends.

          Raising (or guaranteeing) salaries looks to me like an unintended consequence of what is proudly and loudly intended by economists and professors of humanities -- increasing the rigor of analysis. There is just about nobody who disagrees that increasing the rigor of analysis is a bad thing. But how do we do that? By opening up intellectual competition among disciplines, political ideologies, etc., or by constructing evermore elaborate apprentice programs designed to hone already-existing intellectual traditions *within* disciplines, ideologies, etc.?

          I can't really see any qualitative difference between increasing the complexity of grammar using any symbolic system, bourbakian notation in mathematics or latinate phrases in English. What's most dangerous for economics is its disregard for empirical observation outside of econometrics. Econometrics, just like theory itself, becomes a theoretical exercise and is subject to all of the same self referential signaling games as high theory is.

          Admiring each other's screw drivers isn't any more empirical than admiring each other's theories of how screws secure materials. The point is to turn some screws.

          Yamaneko 11:37 PM

          A cynical advantage to the increased use or mathematics and mathiness is that the economics field gets to use university math departments to thin the herd just like the engineering field does. Better still, the filter imposed by requiring calculus, statistics and differential equations is not always anticipated: while prospective engineers take AP Calculus and end up in a class where they already know half the material, prospective economists enter Calculus I and flunk out.

          ... ... ...

          Øystein 6:07 PM

          You might be interested to learn that the philosopher Jon Elster has drawn an analogy between "hard and soft obscurantism" (econ and critical theory).

          Anonymous 9:38 AM

          He devotes the last chapter of his book Explaining Social Behavior to this distinction. The whole book is very much worth a read: http://www.amazon.com/Explaining-Social-Behavior-Bolts-Sciences/dp/0521777445

          Kain 7:12 PM

          I generally agree with your point, except the part where you don't think of Economics as ideologically driven.

          http://blog.supplysideliberal.com/post/128894764282/what-is-indoctrination-and-how-is-it-different

          "What is indoctrination and how is it different from regular instruction? Indoctrination, suggests Christina Hoff Summers, is characterized by three features, the major conclusions are assumed beforehand, rather than being open to question in the classroom; the conclusions are presented as part of a "unified set of beliefs" that form a comprehensive worldview; and the system is "closed," committed to interpreting all new data in the light of the theory being affirmed.
          Whether this account gives us sufficient conditions for indoctrination, and whether, so defined, all indoctrination is bad college pedagogy, may certainly be debated. According to these criteria, for example, all but the most philosophical and adventurous courses in neoclassical economics will count as indoctrination, since undergraduate students certainly are taught the major conclusions of that field as established truths which they are not to criticize from the perspective of any other theory or worldview; they are taught that these truths form a unitary way of seeing the world; and, especially where microeconomics is concerned, the data of human behavior are presented as seen through the lens of that theory. It is probably good that these conditions obtain at the undergraduate level, where one cannot simultaneously learn the ropes and criticize them–although one might hope that the undergraduate will pick up in other courses, for example courses in moral philosophy, the theoretical apparatus needed to raise critical questions about these foundations."

          General Equilibrium, Rational Expectations, Microfoundations, The parculiar definitions of "Rationality" and "Efficiency", Utility Optimization, etc. are all very ideologically driven, and if you do not conform to these standards, you are not accepted within the discipline. I've been told just how completely unreadable Econ papers are, not even talking about the math component, thanks to all of the Jargon.

          Might be less politically-motivated, but it doesn't necessarily require a particular political viewpoint to be ideologically-motivated.

          Dulimbai 7:48 PM

          Yo do understand that this is exactly the point? Thomas Kuhn, which knew something about science, basically said that science requires barriers to entry to get amateurs out.

          A good explanation can be found here http://lesswrong.com/lw/lr/evaporative_cooling_of_group_beliefs/

          Ghyl Tarvoke 8:29 PM

          I think here you are giving too much importance to the gatekeeping/economic aspect of the most vacuous outpourings of Critical Theory. My experience as a history MA is that such academics give so little thought to economics and their economic situation that such thoughts rarely enter their minds. However, it probably has had the effect of reducing the intellectual diversity of many subjects, which in the humanities at least is a major shame and a problem.

          My theory is more straightforward and it's simple. Don't underestimate people's, even academics (perhaps especially academics), intellectual laziness and the desire to dress up their priors in language that looks 'intellectual' thus making your priors look smart and those who don't share your priors not so smart. In short the popularity of most of Critical Theory is due to the lazy man's guide to enlightenment, making something look intellectually difficult while not really challenging people at all. After all, it is not as if many of the core beliefs of large parts of critical theory once you remove the verbiage are not widespread among certain elements of society. And those elements are massively over represented among people liking to do a BA in literature or anthropology. Why are such beliefs so popular? Well, that's a different and difficult question.

          However, I do feel liking pointing out, as others have already alluded to, critical theory and postmodernism have had their day. It peaked in the 90s and belongs to the era of Seinfeld, Grunge, and Triangulation. Now there is a trend towards another ideology, bland progressivism and the fear of giving anything that looks like a controversial opinion. This, at least, is notable in History (I can't speak for literature, in Anthropology pomo is more prevalent but is certainly declining). Some have justified this as 'empiricism', and perhaps it is a needed reaction to what went before, but it is frequently driven by the same intellectual forces I've described above. The difference between Generation Y and the Boomers perhaps. Either way, the gatekeeping aspect is barely part of it.

          Tom Warner 2:00 PM

          Seems to me anon you are agreeing with the complaint about academic obscurantism: it's the use of an artificial dialect, which only practitioners would invest in learning how to read, to create a false impression of sophistication. The only oddity is you seem inexplicably proud of your fluency in said dialect.

          Anonymous 7:55 PM

          "Mathematical theory, of the type economists do, is hard to do..."

          Such barriers to entry should be erected so as to keep out the math and physics nerds that have destroyed economics.

          [Dec 06, 2015] Beware Economics 101 -- this is a neoclassical junk

          Notable quotes:
          "... "The problem for early would ­- be neoclassical macroeconomists was that, strictly speaking, there was no microeconomic model of macroeconomics when they began their campaign. So they developed a neoclassical macro model from the foundation of the neoclassical growth model developed by Nobel laureate Robert Solow (Solow 1956) and Trevor Swan (Swan 2002). They interpreted the equilibrium growth path of the economy as being determined by the consumption and leisure preferences of a representative consumer, and explained deviations from equilibrium – which the rest of us know as the business cycle – by unpredictable 'shocks' to technology and consumer preferences. ..."
          "... This resulted in a model of the macroeconomy as consisting of a single consumer, who lives for ever, consuming the output of the economy. Which is a single good produced in a single firm, which he owns and in which he is the only employee, which pays him both profits equivalent to the marginal product of capital and a wage equivalent to the marginal product of labor. To which he decides how much labor to supply by solving a utility function that maximizes his utility over an infinite time horizon, which he rationally expects and therefore correctly predicts. ..."
          "... Paul Krugman is a quintessential neoclassical economist. Neoclassical economists threw the notion that economics should deal with empirical or factual reality overboard quite some time ago. ..."
          "... Economists often invoke a strange argument by Milton Friedman that states that models do not have to have realistic assumptions to be acceptable - giving them license to produce severely defective mathematical representations of reality. ..."
          "... Economists as a rule do not deny that their assumptions about human nature are highly unrealistic, but instead claim, following Friedman (1962, 1982), that the absence of realism does not diminish the value of their theory because it "works," in the sense that it generates valid predictions…. ..."
          "... Most important, philosophers of science have almost universally rejected Friedman's position (Boland, 1979). It is very widely agreed that the purpose of a theory is to explain. Otherwise, [predictions] are unable to foretell under what conditions they will continue to hold or fail. ..."
          "... With the advent of the Great Financial Crisis, which began in 2007 and continues to this day, the neoclassical models did fail. And they failed in the most spectacular way. ..."
          "... Nevertheless, for those like Krugman who are in love with orthodox economic theory, when facts don't conform to theory, so much worse for the facts. ..."
          "... It should be added that not everyone who rejects the orthodox, neoclassical theory of exogenous money creation and its "available funds" theory of banking, as Keen calls it, believes that debt matters. ..."
          "... A very good example of this is the MMT school, which even though it rejects the orthodox theory of money creation, nevertheless discounts the importance of debt, or at least public debt. ..."
          "... The distinction between private debt and public debt, however, is not a clear one. We all saw, for instance, the ease with which private debt was converted into public debt in the cases of Ireland and Spain in the wake of the GFC. ..."
          "... The piece that VK posted by Keen was essentially a rejection of the macroeconomic theory that was formulated to replace Keynesian theory. ..."
          "... The debate between these two economists on the role of banking and specifically the creation of credit is of fundamental importance in understanding the shortcomings of orthodox economic thinking – and why it was so ill-equipped to handle, let alone predict, the crash of 2008. ..."
          "... However, because he has such an important platform, it matters more to many monetary economists (including the editor of this series) that he appears to lack a proper understanding of the nature of credit, and the role of banks in the economy. ..."
          "... So yes debt is a big problem with a poorly regulated banking industry (financial industry really because of shadow banking). ..."
          peakoilbarrel.com
          VK, 12/04/2015 at 2:57 pm
          Beware Economics 101. The peer review mechanism has horribly failed.

          When you read Krugman, this is what he and our central bankers believe.

          "The problem for early would ­- be neoclassical macroeconomists was that, strictly speaking, there was no microeconomic model of macroeconomics when they began their campaign. So they developed a neoclassical macro model from the foundation of the neoclassical growth model developed by Nobel laureate Robert Solow (Solow 1956) and Trevor Swan (Swan 2002). They interpreted the equilibrium growth path of the economy as being determined by the consumption and leisure preferences of a representative consumer, and explained deviations from equilibrium – which the rest of us know as the business cycle – by unpredictable 'shocks' to technology and consumer preferences.

          This resulted in a model of the macroeconomy as consisting of a single consumer, who lives for ever, consuming the output of the economy. Which is a single good produced in a single firm, which he owns and in which he is the only employee, which pays him both profits equivalent to the marginal product of capital and a wage equivalent to the marginal product of labor. To which he decides how much labor to supply by solving a utility function that maximizes his utility over an infinite time horizon, which he rationally expects and therefore correctly predicts.

          The economy would always be in equilibrium except for the impact of unexpected 'technology shocks' that change the firm's productive capabilities (or his consumption preferences) and thus temporarily cause the single capitalist/worker/consumer to alter his working hours.

          Any reduction in working hours is a voluntary act, so the representative agent is never involuntarily unemployed, he's just taking more leisure. And there are no banks, no debt, and indeed no money in this model."

          Prof. Steve Keen, Debunking Economics.

          Dennis Coyne, 12/04/2015 at 6:11 pm
          Hi VK,

          No this is not what Krugman believes at all. There are some economists that think in these terms, in the US it is primarily in the interior of the country, the economists on the east and west coast, (this includes Krugman and many others) would not think in these terms at all.

          Have you ever read anything by Krugman?

          VK, 12/05/2015 at 1:41 am
          Read Krugman for years. The basic neoclassical models are founded on the representative agent model with the above assumptions as core. Look up the PhD text book on economics – http://www.amazon.com/Microeconomic-Theory-Andreu-Mas-Colell/dp/0195073401

          Krugman gives assessments based on the representative agent models, with its no money, no debt, no banks assumptions. Very linear models, no dynamic modeling.

          Economic theory and modeling is stuck in the 19th century. Rest of the hard sciences, physics, chemistry, atmospherics moved on with Poincare and later Lorenz to dynamic simulations.

          VK, 12/04/2015 at 3:04 pm
          To Dennis Coyne, debt levels matter because "loans create deposits" and not vice versa. Bank of England published a paper last year on modern money creation http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/Documents/quarterlybulletin/2014/qb14q1prereleasemoneycreation.pdf

          The fractional reserve banking model taught in economics is absolutely empirically wrong. Because banks have the power to create credit money, they can issue in excess.

          Under the empirically correct credit money creation model, there can be an excessive build up of debt. Hence the more than 250 sovereign and domestic govt debt crises since 1850.

          Dennis Coyne, 12/04/2015 at 6:24 pm
          Hi VK,

          Rune Likvern posted the link and I read the paper. US textbooks through 1990 covered this exactly as in that paper, so it was a good refresher, but not different from what I had learned in the past.

          There can be excessive debt and banks can fail due to poor lending practices combined with a severe recession. Nations can also default. The question is how much debt is too much debt. In economics there are different opinions on this question. When I was studying economics the focus was on public debt crowding out private debt when an economy was close to full employment.

          Now there seems to be more focus on private debt, which nobody in economics used to worry about.

          It may be that the lack of banking regulation and the rise of shadow banking has made this more of a problem, I am out of date on the latest research.

          http://www.economist.com/blogs/freeexchange/2015/06/public-debt

          The article at the link above suggests up to about a 150% debt to GDP ratio is a safe level for public debt.

          VK, 12/05/2015 at 1:56 am
          U.S. Textbooks don't cover this at all. The assumption that Paul Samuelson used in his seminal undergraduate textbook that millions have studied was the fractional reserve lending model which is empirically false.

          The whole of economics is empirically false, it would be a laughing stock if people looked under the hood with its assumptions that are meant to preserve straight line thinking rather than dealing with reality, which is highly non-linear and dynamic.

          Private debt wasn't a concern in economics because they assumed away the role of banks to preserve the equilibrium models. Once you incorporate reality into the models, which is what a true science would do, you find that private debt levels matter.

          What economists think: Saver lends to borrower. Saver loses purchasing power, borrower gains purchasing power. Purchasing power hasn't changed in the economy. Just a shift

          What really happens: Saver puts money in a bank, has access to his money anytime. Borrower wants money, bank issues a credit and writes loan amount as asset. Purchasing power as a whole increases across the economy as both saver and borrower now have money to buy goods and services with.
          That's how the economy grows – bank issuance of credit. And it can easily be in excess.

          https://unlearningeconomics.wordpress.com/2012/04/03/the-keenkrugman-debate-a-summary/

          Jef, 12/05/2015 at 9:12 am
          Thanks for hanging in there VK.

          I tried to explain this to my father in law who is an attorney specializing in finance and accounting. He simply could not accept it or even wrap his head around it even after reading the Bank of England piece.

          It is fraud plain and simple and the cost to humanity in both financial terms and lives lost is huge.

          Glenn Stehle, 12/05/2015 at 9:34 am
          Paul Krugman is a quintessential neoclassical economist. Neoclassical economists threw the notion that economics should deal with empirical or factual reality overboard quite some time ago.

          Perhaps no one was more explicit in articulating this notion that science should discard factual reality than Milton Friedman.

          Any number of critics have pointed this out. For instance,

          Economists often invoke a strange argument by Milton Friedman that states that models do not have to have realistic assumptions to be acceptable - giving them license to produce severely defective mathematical representations of reality.

          –NASSIM NICHOLAS TALEB, The Black Swan

          and

          Economists as a rule do not deny that their assumptions about human nature are highly unrealistic, but instead claim, following Friedman (1962, 1982), that the absence of realism does not diminish the value of their theory because it "works," in the sense that it generates valid predictions….

          Most important, philosophers of science have almost universally rejected Friedman's position (Boland, 1979). It is very widely agreed that the purpose of a theory is to explain. Otherwise, [predictions] are unable to foretell under what conditions they will continue to hold or fail.

          AMITAI ETZIONI, The Moral Dimension

          With the advent of the Great Financial Crisis, which began in 2007 and continues to this day, the neoclassical models did fail. And they failed in the most spectacular way.

          Nevertheless, for those like Krugman who are in love with orthodox economic theory, when facts don't conform to theory, so much worse for the facts.

          Glenn Stehle, 12/05/2015 at 9:55 am
          It should be added that not everyone who rejects the orthodox, neoclassical theory of exogenous money creation and its "available funds" theory of banking, as Keen calls it, believes that debt matters.

          A very good example of this is the MMT school, which even though it rejects the orthodox theory of money creation, nevertheless discounts the importance of debt, or at least public debt.

          The distinction between private debt and public debt, however, is not a clear one. We all saw, for instance, the ease with which private debt was converted into public debt in the cases of Ireland and Spain in the wake of the GFC.

          Dennis Coyne, 12/05/2015 at 12:38 pm
          Hi Glenn,

          Krugman does hold relatively mainstream views, but there are significant differences of opinion within economics. Many economists reject Keynesian theory, Krugman does not. The piece that VK posted by Keen was essentially a rejection of the macroeconomic theory that was formulated to replace Keynesian theory. Krugman would make many of the exact same criticisms.

          The "debt doesn't matter" theme is carried a little too far, nobody really argues this. The argument is that when the economy is doing poorly due to low aggregate demand (during a severe recession) and monetary policy is not effective because interest rates are near zero (so that the federal funds rate cannot be lowered any further), cutting fiscal deficits is poor public policy.

          Perhaps you disagree?

          Glenn Stehle, 12/05/2015 at 1:57 pm
          Dennis,

          Are you unaware of the famous debate between Krugman and Keen, and what it is all about?

          Perhaps this article by Ann Pettifor will help:

          The debate between these two economists on the role of banking and specifically the creation of credit is of fundamental importance in understanding the shortcomings of orthodox economic thinking – and why it was so ill-equipped to handle, let alone predict, the crash of 2008.

          Many rightly applaud Paul Krugman for using his platform at the New York Times to defend further fiscal stimulus in the US–against a hostile political crowd, not to mention the downright opposition of neo-liberal economists –- and we commend him for that.

          However, because he has such an important platform, it matters more to many monetary economists (including the editor of this series) that he appears to lack a proper understanding of the nature of credit, and the role of banks in the economy.

          https://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/steve-keen/keen-krugman-debate

          I very much recommend reading the entire article, and much more can be found by Googling "Keen vs Krugman debate."

          Dennis Coyne, 12/05/2015 at 12:15 pm
          Hi Vk,

          There are many of us who have studied beyond the introductory level. In my introductory courses, I believe we were taught this correctly, but that was long ago, I know when I instructed the introductory students as a grad student what I was teaching was essentially what I read in the paper you cited. Perhaps the "textbooks" have improved over time, I haven't read an economics textbook for many years.

          Have you read any economics papers lately, perhaps there has been more progress than you think. A fundamental problem with economics is that how we understand the workings of the economy can affect the way people behave. People will always try to game the system and this then effects the system. It is a difficult modelling problem not faced by chemists and physicists.

          If you solve it you should publish a paper.

          Dennis Coyne, 12/05/2015 at 1:41 pm
          Hi VK,

          You said:

          What economists think: Saver lends to borrower. Saver loses purchasing power, borrower gains purchasing power. Purchasing power hasn't changed in the economy. Just a shift

          Economists don't think this way at all. These kinds of lessons are often presented in introductory economics courses to show how economists once thought things worked in 1803 when Say introduced "Say's Law".

          Then the economics professor goes on to explain how a modern economy actually works (which we don't understand all that well.)

          Generally speaking economic growth is considered a good thing, and banks lending to borrowers that are likely to be able to repay the loan (not true leading up to the financial crisis due to poor regulation and lending practices), is not a problem in a well regulated banking sector (in the US this went away in the 1980s).

          So yes debt is a big problem with a poorly regulated banking industry (financial industry really because of shadow banking).

          Debt is like a lot of things in life, too much or too little can be a bad thing.

          The central bank can certainly influence the amount of lending by raising interest rates, as long as inflation is moderate, there is not much reason to do so.

          Rune Likvern, 12/05/2015 at 1:43 pm
          "US textbooks through 1990 covered this exactly as in that paper, so it was a good refresher, but not different from what I had learned in the past."

          And what is the title of those textbooks?

          "Now there seems to be more focus on private debt, which nobody in economics used to worry about."

          Was it US public or private debt that started the GFC in 2007/2008?

          [Dec 02, 2015] Larry Summers and the Subversion of Economics

          Notable quotes:
          "... As a rising economist at Harvard and at the World Bank, Summers argued for privatization and deregulation in many domains, including finance. Later, as deputy secretary of the treasury and then treasury secretary in the Clinton administration, he implemented those policies. Summers oversaw passage of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, which repealed Glass-Steagall, permitted the previously illegal merger that created Citigroup, and allowed further consolidation in the financial sector. He also successfully fought attempts by Brooksley Born, chair of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission in the Clinton administration, to regulate the financial derivatives that would cause so much damage in the housing bubble and the 2008 economic crisis. He then oversaw passage of the Commodity Futures Modernization Act, which banned all regulation of derivatives, including exempting them from state antigambling laws. ..."
          "... Over the past decade, Summers continued to advocate financial deregulation, both as president of Harvard and as a University Professor after being forced out of the presidency. During this time, Summers became wealthy through consulting and speaking engagements with financial firms. Between 2001 and his entry into the Obama administration, he made more than $20-million from the financial-services industry. (His 2009 federal financial-disclosure form listed his net worth as $17-million to $39-million.) ..."
          "... In 2005, at the annual Jackson Hole, Wyo., conference of the worlds leading central bankers, the chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, Raghuram Rajan, presented a brilliant paper that constituted the first prominent warning of the coming crisis. Rajan pointed out that the structure of financial-sector compensation, in combination with complex financial products, gave bankers huge cash incentives to take risks with other peoples money, while imposing no penalties for any subsequent losses. Rajan warned that this bonus culture rewarded bankers for actions that could destroy their own institutions, or even the entire system, and that this could generate a full-blown financial crisis and a catastrophic meltdown. When Rajan finished speaking, Summers rose up from the audience and attacked him, calling him a Luddite, dismissing his concerns, and warning that increased regulation would reduce the productivity of the financial sector. (Ben Bernanke, Tim Geithner, and Alan Greenspan were also in the audience.) ..."
          "... Over the past 30 years, the economics profession-in economics departments, and in business, public policy, and law schools-has become so compromised by conflicts of interest that it now functions almost as a support group for financial services and other industries whose profits depend heavily on government policy. The route to the 2008 financial crisis, and the economic problems that still plague us, runs straight through the economics discipline. And its due not just to ideology; its also about straightforward, old-fashioned money. ..."
          "... Prominent academic economists (and sometimes also professors of law and public policy) are paid by companies and interest groups to testify before Congress, to write papers, to give speeches, to participate in conferences, to serve on boards of directors, to write briefs in regulatory proceedings, to defend companies in antitrust cases, and, of course, to lobby. This is now, literally, a billion-dollar industry. The Law and Economics Consulting Group, started 22 years ago by professors at the University of California at Berkeley (David Teece in the business school, Thomas Jorde in the law school, and the economists Richard Gilbert and Gordon Rausser), is now a $300-million publicly held company. Others specializing in the sale (or rental) of academic expertise include Competition Policy (now Compass Lexecon), started by Richard Gilbert and Daniel Rubinfeld, both of whom served as chief economist of the Justice Departments Antitrust Division in the Clinton administration; the Analysis Group; and Charles River Associates. ..."
          "... I think it is interesting that Summers led the financial deregulation efforts of the Clinton administration and then made a bundle on Wall Street. I think that should be taken into account when evaluating his discussions of economics. ..."
          "... It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends upon his not understanding it. ..."
          economistsview.typepad.com

          RGC, December 02, 2015 at 06:09 AM

          Larry Summers and the Subversion of Economics

          By Charles Ferguson October 03, 2010

          The Obama administration recently announced that Larry Summers is resigning as director of the National Economic Council and will return to Harvard early next year. His imminent departure raises several questions: Who will replace him? What will he do next? But more important, it's a chance to consider the hugely damaging conflicts of interest of the senior academic economists who move among universities, government, and banking.

          Summers is unquestionably brilliant, as all who have dealt with him, including myself, quickly realize. And yet rarely has one individual embodied so much of what is wrong with economics, with academe, and indeed with the American economy. For the past two years, I have immersed myself in those worlds in order to make a film, Inside Job, that takes a sweeping look at the financial crisis. And I found Summers everywhere I turned.

          Consider: As a rising economist at Harvard and at the World Bank, Summers argued for privatization and deregulation in many domains, including finance. Later, as deputy secretary of the treasury and then treasury secretary in the Clinton administration, he implemented those policies. Summers oversaw passage of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, which repealed Glass-Steagall, permitted the previously illegal merger that created Citigroup, and allowed further consolidation in the financial sector. He also successfully fought attempts by Brooksley Born, chair of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission in the Clinton administration, to regulate the financial derivatives that would cause so much damage in the housing bubble and the 2008 economic crisis. He then oversaw passage of the Commodity Futures Modernization Act, which banned all regulation of derivatives, including exempting them from state antigambling laws.

          After Summers left the Clinton administration, his candidacy for president of Harvard was championed by his mentor Robert Rubin, a former CEO of Goldman Sachs, who was his boss and predecessor as treasury secretary. Rubin, after leaving the Treasury Department-where he championed the law that made Citigroup's creation legal-became both vice chairman of Citigroup and a powerful member of Harvard's governing board.

          Over the past decade, Summers continued to advocate financial deregulation, both as president of Harvard and as a University Professor after being forced out of the presidency. During this time, Summers became wealthy through consulting and speaking engagements with financial firms. Between 2001 and his entry into the Obama administration, he made more than $20-million from the financial-services industry. (His 2009 federal financial-disclosure form listed his net worth as $17-million to $39-million.)

          Summers remained close to Rubin and to Alan Greenspan, a former chairman of the Federal Reserve. When other economists began warning of abuses and systemic risk in the financial system deriving from the environment that Summers, Greenspan, and Rubin had created, Summers mocked and dismissed those warnings. In 2005, at the annual Jackson Hole, Wyo., conference of the world's leading central bankers, the chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, Raghuram Rajan, presented a brilliant paper that constituted the first prominent warning of the coming crisis. Rajan pointed out that the structure of financial-sector compensation, in combination with complex financial products, gave bankers huge cash incentives to take risks with other people's money, while imposing no penalties for any subsequent losses. Rajan warned that this bonus culture rewarded bankers for actions that could destroy their own institutions, or even the entire system, and that this could generate a "full-blown financial crisis" and a "catastrophic meltdown."

          When Rajan finished speaking, Summers rose up from the audience and attacked him, calling him a "Luddite," dismissing his concerns, and warning that increased regulation would reduce the productivity of the financial sector. (Ben Bernanke, Tim Geithner, and Alan Greenspan were also in the audience.)

          Soon after that, Summers lost his job as president of Harvard after suggesting that women might be innately inferior to men at scientific work. In another part of the same speech, he had used laissez-faire economic theory to argue that discrimination was unlikely to be a major cause of women's underrepresentation in either science or business. After all, he argued, if discrimination existed, then others, seeking a competitive advantage, would have access to a superior work force, causing those who discriminate to fail in the marketplace. It appeared that Summers had denied even the possibility of decades, indeed centuries, of racial, gender, and other discrimination in America and other societies. After the resulting outcry forced him to resign, Summers remained at Harvard as a faculty member, and he accelerated his financial-sector activities, receiving $135,000 for one speech at Goldman Sachs.

          Then, after the 2008 financial crisis and its consequent recession, Summers was placed in charge of coordinating U.S. economic policy, deftly marginalizing others who challenged him. Under the stewardship of Summers, Geithner, and Bernanke, the Obama administration adopted policies as favorable toward the financial sector as those of the Clinton and Bush administrations-quite a feat. Never once has Summers publicly apologized or admitted any responsibility for causing the crisis. And now Harvard is welcoming him back.

          Summers is unique but not alone. By now we are all familiar with the role of lobbying and campaign contributions, and with the revolving door between industry and government. What few Americans realize is that the revolving door is now a three-way intersection. Summers's career is the result of an extraordinary and underappreciated scandal in American society: the convergence of academic economics, Wall Street, and political power.

          Starting in the 1980s, and heavily influenced by laissez-faire economics, the United States began deregulating financial services. Shortly thereafter, America began to experience financial crises for the first time since the Great Depression. The first one arose from the savings-and-loan and junk-bond scandals of the 1980s; then came the dot-com bubble of the late 1990s, the Asian financial crisis; the collapse of Long Term Capital Management, in 1998; Enron; and then the housing bubble, which led to the global financial crisis. Yet through the entire period, the U.S. financial sector grew larger, more powerful, and enormously more profitable. By 2006, financial services accounted for 40 percent of total American corporate profits. In large part, this was because the financial sector was corrupting the political system. But it was also subverting economics.

          Over the past 30 years, the economics profession-in economics departments, and in business, public policy, and law schools-has become so compromised by conflicts of interest that it now functions almost as a support group for financial services and other industries whose profits depend heavily on government policy. The route to the 2008 financial crisis, and the economic problems that still plague us, runs straight through the economics discipline. And it's due not just to ideology; it's also about straightforward, old-fashioned money.

          Prominent academic economists (and sometimes also professors of law and public policy) are paid by companies and interest groups to testify before Congress, to write papers, to give speeches, to participate in conferences, to serve on boards of directors, to write briefs in regulatory proceedings, to defend companies in antitrust cases, and, of course, to lobby. This is now, literally, a billion-dollar industry. The Law and Economics Consulting Group, started 22 years ago by professors at the University of California at Berkeley (David Teece in the business school, Thomas Jorde in the law school, and the economists Richard Gilbert and Gordon Rausser), is now a $300-million publicly held company. Others specializing in the sale (or rental) of academic expertise include Competition Policy (now Compass Lexecon), started by Richard Gilbert and Daniel Rubinfeld, both of whom served as chief economist of the Justice Department's Antitrust Division in the Clinton administration; the Analysis Group; and Charles River Associates.

          In my film you will see many famous economists looking very uncomfortable when confronted with their financial-sector activities; others appear only on archival video, because they declined to be interviewed. You'll hear from:

          • Martin Feldstein, a Harvard professor, a major architect of deregulation in the Reagan administration, president for 30 years of the National Bureau of Economic Research, and for 20 years on the boards of directors of both AIG, which paid him more than $6-million, and AIG Financial Products, whose derivatives deals destroyed the company. Feldstein has written several hundred papers, on many subjects; none of them address the dangers of unregulated financial derivatives or financial-industry compensation.
          • Glenn Hubbard, chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers in the first George W. Bush administration, dean of Columbia Business School, adviser to many financial firms, on the board of Metropolitan Life ($250,000 per year), and formerly on the board of Capmark, a major commercial mortgage lender, from which he resigned shortly before its bankruptcy, in 2009. In 2004, Hubbard wrote a paper with William C. Dudley, then chief economist of Goldman Sachs, praising securitization and derivatives as improving the stability of both financial markets and the wider economy.
          • Frederic Mishkin, a professor at the Columbia Business School, and a member of the Federal Reserve Board from 2006 to 2008. He was paid $124,000 by the Icelandic Chamber of Commerce to write a paper praising its regulatory and banking systems, two years before the Icelandic banks' Ponzi scheme collapsed, causing $100-billion in losses. His 2006 federal financial-disclosure form listed his net worth as $6-million to $17-million.
          • Laura Tyson, a professor at Berkeley, director of the National Economic Council in the Clinton administration, and also on the Board of Directors of Morgan Stanley, which pays her $350,000 per year.
          • Richard Portes, a professor at London Business School and founding director of the British Centre for Economic Policy Research, paid by the Icelandic Chamber of Commerce to write a report praising Iceland's financial system in 2007, only one year before it collapsed.
          • And John Campbell, chairman of Harvard's economics department, who finds it very difficult to explain why conflicts of interest in economics should not concern us.

          But could he be right? Are these professors simply being paid to say what they would otherwise say anyway? Unlikely. Mishkin and Portes showed no interest whatever in Iceland until they were paid to do so, and they got it totally wrong. Nor do all these professors seem to make policy statements contrary to the financial interests of their clients. Even more telling, they uniformly oppose disclosure of their financial relationships.

          The universities avert their eyes and deliberately don't require faculty members either to disclose their conflicts of interest or to report their outside income. As you can imagine, when Larry Summers was president of Harvard, he didn't work too hard to change this.

          Now, however, as the national recovery is faltering, Summers is being eased out while Harvard is welcoming him back. How will the academic world receive him? The simple answer: Better than he deserves.

          While making my film, we wrote to the presidents and provosts of Harvard, Columbia, and other universities with detailed questions about their conflict-of-interest policies, requesting interviews about the subject. None of them replied, except to refer us to their Web sites.

          Academe, heal thyself.

          http://chronicle.com/article/Larry-Summersthe/124790/

          EMichael said in reply to RGC...
          Yeah, after an economist has had one job in the government; one job in the banking system; and one teaching job he should be required to stop working as an economist.
          RGC said in reply to EMichael...
          I think it is interesting that Summers led the financial deregulation efforts of the Clinton administration and then made a bundle on Wall Street. I think that should be taken into account when evaluating his discussions of economics.
          EMichael said in reply to RGC...
          Of course it should.

          At the same time this is not taking anything into account, this is about "subverting" economics.

          Can you make a case that the only reason Summers made a "bundle" working on Wall Street is because of the financial deregulation efforts he made? Last time I looked he did not have a vote on the legislation.

          RGC said in reply to EMichael...
          I think this is especially troubling for the economics profession:

          "Over the past 30 years, the economics profession-in economics departments, and in business, public policy, and law schools-has become so compromised by conflicts of interest that it now functions almost as a support group for financial services and other industries whose profits depend heavily on government policy. The route to the 2008 financial crisis, and the economic problems that still plague us, runs straight through the economics discipline. And it's due not just to ideology; it's also about straightforward, old-fashioned money."

          EMichael said in reply to RGC...
          Cause no economists actually believed in any of the policies that caused all of those things nor did any economist fail to vote for the policies adopted.
          RGC said in reply to EMichael...
          Upton Sinclair:

          "It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends upon his not understanding it."

          Tom aka Rusty said in reply to RGC...

          As Hemingway and F. SCott Fitzgerald exchanged in their writings (the reputed face-to-face conversation may not have happened):

          The rich are different.

          Yes, they have more money.

          Combine elite and rich and you get a toxic combination.

          [Dec 01, 2015] The New Supply-Side Economics

          Economist's View
          reason: December 01, 2015 at 07:27 AM

          Sanjait

          I think it is perfectly clear that a secular policy of increasing private indebtedness is not indefinitely extendable. Sure, if we had printed money in the past and kept monetary policy relatively tight (or otherwise managed the international financial system so that large persistent balance of payments deficits were not tolerated) we wouldn't have got in the mess we are in. But once we are there just trying to get over-indebted people to take on more debt doesn't seem like a winning strategy.

          http://crookedtimber.org/2015/11/29/secular-stagnation-and-the-financial-sector/comment-page-3/#comment-650710

          EMichael said in reply to reason... December 01, 2015 at 07:34 AM

          I see no real increase in private indebtedness.

          The problem with the financial system is what lies behind lending.

          reason: December 01, 2015 at 07:36 AM

          Avraam Jack Dectis
          Not bad.
          But

          1. asset taxes are tricky things to run (many assets aren't traded and the prices of other assets are very volatile). And there is the problem of offshore ownership and offshore assets, so it requires international co-operation.

          2. This takes a very closed economy view of things - the trade deficit might end up affecting the trade balance and hence the flow of assets into and out of the country, and eventually also the terms of trade. You should think through how such a policy would work in say - Luxembourg.

          reason:

          EMichael

          You see no increase in private indebtedness - when do you mean? If you mean now - then yes - that is exactly why the economy is so sluggish. Where is the increase in demand going to come from if the country is running a trade deficit, is not increasing its borrowing and is committed to reducing its government deficit?

          [Nov 30, 2015] Is Balanced Growth Really the Answer

          Notable quotes:
          "... I can only add, that our economic system already redistributes income upward to capital and management, whose contribution to productivity is far below what they are paid. ..."
          "... That's the idea of neoliberal transformation of society that happened since 80th or even earlier. Like John Kenneth Galbraith noted "Trickle-down theory is the less than elegant metaphor that if one feeds the horse enough oats, some will pass through to the road for the sparrows" ..."
          "... "The sense of responsibility in the financial community for the community as a whole is not small. It is nearly nil." John Kenneth Galbraith, The Great Crash of 1929 ..."
          "... Just as was the case with his work on financial instability, Hyman Minsky's analysis of the problems of poverty and inequality in a capitalist economy, as well as his understanding of the political dysfunctions that would result from treating these problems in the wrong way, were prophetic. See this piece by Minksy's student L. Randall Wray, especially Section 2: http://www.levyinstitute.org/pubs/wp_515.pdf ..."
          "... it is unjust to tell the poor that they must change before they will be entitled to work-whether it is their skills set or their character that is the barrier to work... Minsky always argued that it is preferable to "take workers as they are," providing jobs tailored to the characteristics of workers, rather than trying to tailor workers to the jobs available before they are allowed to work ..."
          "... Further, NIT (and other welfare programs) would create a dependent class, which is not conducive to social cohesion (Minsky 1968). Most importantly, Minsky argued that any antipoverty program must be consistent with the underlying behavioral rules of a capitalist economy (Minsky no date, 1968, 1975a). One of those rules is that earned income is in some sense deserved. ..."
          "... This misreads the politics. People who are disconnected from the job market very easily get disconnected from the political process. They don't vote. ..."
          "... The problem in thinking here is the equilibrium paradigm. Equilibrium NEVER exists. If there is a glut the price falls below the marginal cost/revenue point, if the seller is desperate enough it falls to zero! Ignoring disequilibrium dynamics means this obvious (it should be obvious) point is simply ignored. The assumption of general equilibrium leads to the assumption of marginal productivity driving wages. You are not worth what you produce, you are worth precisely what somewhat else would accept to do your job. ..."
          "... Never say never. There some stationary points at which equilibrium probably exists for a short period of time. But as the whole system has positive feedback loop built-in and is unstable by definition. So you are right in a sense that disequilibrium is the "normal" state of such a system and equilibrium is an exception. ..."
          "... And the problem is more growth, is more growth is a trick we cannot always do in a finite resource technologically sophisticated world. (At least not growth as it is currently seen.) We need to start thinking in much longer term time scales. Saying that we have enough oil for 30 years, is not optimistic - it is an imminent crisis - or do we want our grandchildren to see the end of the world? ..."
          Nov 30, 2015 | Economist's View

          DrDick said...

          "then more growth will simply lead to even more inequality."

          Which is exactly what we have seen for the past 40 years, Great analysis here. I can only add, that our economic system already redistributes income upward to capital and management, whose contribution to productivity is far below what they are paid.

          ikbez -> DrDick...

          "then more growth will simply lead to even more inequality."

          That's the idea of neoliberal transformation of society that happened since 80th or even earlier. Like John Kenneth Galbraith noted "Trickle-down theory is the less than elegant metaphor that if one feeds the horse enough oats, some will pass through to the road for the sparrows"

          And another relevant quote:

          "The sense of responsibility in the financial community for the community as a whole is not small. It is nearly nil." John Kenneth Galbraith, The Great Crash of 1929

          anne -> likbez...

          "The sense of responsibility in the financial community for the community as a whole is not small. It is nearly nil." John Kenneth Galbraith, The Great Crash of 1929

          [ Perfect. ]

          Dan Kervick, November 30, 2015 at 11:12 AM

          Just as was the case with his work on financial instability, Hyman Minsky's analysis of the problems of poverty and inequality in a capitalist economy, as well as his understanding of the political dysfunctions that would result from treating these problems in the wrong way, were prophetic. See this piece by Minksy's student L. Randall Wray, especially Section 2: http://www.levyinstitute.org/pubs/wp_515.pdf

          The centerpiece of Minsky's preferred approach was based on a government commitment to "tight full employment". He believed that neither human capital investment, economic growth, nor redistribution would be sufficient on their own to address the problem.

          As part of the critique of the human capital approach, Minsky argued that:

          "it is unjust to tell the poor that they must change before they will be entitled to work-whether it is their skills set or their character that is the barrier to work... Minsky always argued that it is preferable to "take workers as they are," providing jobs tailored to the characteristics of workers, rather than trying to tailor workers to the jobs available before they are allowed to work (Minsky 1965, 1968, 1973)."

          Minsky accurately foresaw the way in which a welfare approach to poverty, as opposed to a full employment approach, would politically divide working people among themselves:

          "Further, NIT (and other welfare programs) would create a dependent class, which is not conducive to social cohesion (Minsky 1968). Most importantly, Minsky argued that any antipoverty program must be consistent with the underlying behavioral rules of a capitalist economy (Minsky no date, 1968, 1975a). One of those rules is that earned income is in some sense deserved."

          "With the perspective of the 1980s and 1990s now behind us, it is hard to deny Minsky's arguments-President Reagan successfully turned most Americans against welfare programs and President Clinton finally "eliminated welfare as we know it." According to Minsky, a successful antipoverty program will need to provide visible benefits to the average taxpayer."

          We can note that this political problem has only gotten worse, as can be seen from the deepening ugliness of our domestic politics, and the poll results that MacGillis cites.

          Minsky also understood the unhealthy political and economic dynamics of an undirected aggregate demand approach to poverty, and promoted, following ideas of Keynes, a measure of socialized investment and direct job creation:

          "Minsky feared that using demand stimulus to reduce poverty would necessarily lead to "stop-go" policy. Expansion would fuel inflation, causing policy makers to reverse course to slow growth in order to fight inflation (Minsky 1965, 1968). Because wages (and prices) in leading sectors would rise in expansion, but could resist deflationary pressures in recession, there would be an upward bias to rising wages in those sectors. However, in the lagging sectors, wage increases would come slowly-only with adequate tightening of labor markets -- and could be reversed in recession. Hence, Minsky argued that a directed demand policy would be required-to raise demand in the lagging sectors and for low wage and unemployed workers. For this reason, he concluded that a direct job creation program would be required."

          All this adds up to a more activist role for the government sector.

          likbez -> Dan Kervick...

          My impression is that "human capital" is one of the most fundamental neoliberal myths. See, for example What Exactly Is Neoliberalism by Wendy Brown https://www.dissentmagazine.org/blog/booked-3-what-exactly-is-neoliberalism-wendy-brown-undoing-the-demos

          As for people betraying their own economic interests, this phenomenon was aptly described in "What's the matter with Kansas" which can actually be reformulated as "What's the matter with the USA?". And the answer he gave is that neoliberalism converted the USA into a bizarre high demand cult. There are several characteristics of a high demand cult that are applicable. Among them:

          • "The group is preoccupied with making money."
          • "Questioning, doubt, and dissent are discouraged or even punished."
          • "Mind-numbing techniques (for example: meditation, chanting, speaking in tongues, debilitating work routines) are used to suppress doubts about the group or its leader(s)." Entertainment and, especially sport events in the US society serves the same role.
          • "The group's leadership dictates – sometimes in great detail – how members should think, act, and feel." Looks like this part of brainwashing is outsourced to economy departments ;-)
          • "The group is elitist, claiming a special, exalted status for itself, its leader(s), and members (for example the group and/or the leader has a special mission to save humanity)."
          • "The group has a polarized, "we-they" mentality that causes conflict with the wider society."
          • "The group's leader is not accountable to any authorities (as are, for example, clergy with mainstream denominations)."
          • "The group teaches or implies that its supposedly exalted ends justify means (for example: collecting money for bogus charities) that members would have considered unethical before joining."
          • "The group's leadership induces guilt feelings in lower members for the lack of achievement in order to control them."
          • "Members are expected to devote inordinate amounts of time to the group."
          • "Members are encouraged or required to live and/or socialize only with other group members."

          It is very difficult to get rid of this neoliberal sect mentality like is the case with other high demand cults.

          cm -> likbez...

          What has any of this to do with human capital? "Capital" is basically a synonym for productive capacity, with regard to what "productive" means in the socioeconomic system or otherwise the context that is being discussed.

          E.g. social or political capital designates the ability (i.e. capacity) to exert influence in social networks or societal decision making at the respective scales (organization, city, regional, national etc.), where "productive" means "achieving desired or favored outcomes for the person(s) possessing the capital or for those on whose behalf it is used".

          Human capital, in the economic domain, is then the combined capacity of the human population in the domain under consideration that is available for productive endeavors of any kind. This includes BTW e.g. housewives and other household workers whose work is generally not paid, but you better believe it is socially productive.

          likbez -> cm...

          "Human capital, in the economic domain, is then the combined capacity of the human population in the domain under consideration that is available for productive endeavors of any kind. This includes BTW e.g. housewives and other household workers whose work is generally not paid, but you better believe it is socially productive."

          This is not true. The term "human capital" under neoliberalism has different semantic meaning: it presuppose viewing a person as a market actor.

          See the discussion of the term in http://www.jceps.com/wp-content/uploads/PDFs/10-1-07.pdf

          kthomas

          "...it's driven be resentment..."

          No, its driven by racism. White trash will take with one hand, then walk right into a voting both and screw themselves because they think they sticking it to blacks, mexicans, gays, etc.

          Syaloch -> kthomas...

          Racism is certainly part of it, but it's really more fundamental than that.

          "This disposition to admire, and almost to worship, the rich and the powerful, and to despise, or, at least, to neglect persons of poor and mean condition, though necessary both to establish and to maintain the distinction of ranks and the order of society, is, at the same time, the great and most universal cause of the corruption of our moral sentiments. That wealth and greatness are often regarded with the respect and admiration which are due only to wisdom and virtue; and that the contempt, of which vice and folly are the only proper objects, is often most unjustly bestowed upon poverty and weakness, has been the complaint of moralists in all ages."

          Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments

          http://knarf.english.upenn.edu/Smith/tms133.html

          cm -> kthomas...

          What is racism if not an expression of resentment?

          bakho said...

          This misreads the politics. People who are disconnected from the job market very easily get disconnected from the political process. They don't vote. The people who do have jobs and are worried about keeping them and being paid too little are voting against the "losers" who they see as parasites. Never mind that the Malefactors of Great Wealth are the true parasites. Elections in the US are won or lost on voter turnout.

          The Rage said...

          I guess it depends on what kind of economy you want.

          Growth of all kinds is not good. The 2001-2007 "growth" was badly constructed. I think America itself is in a bad rut....and has been since 1974. That itself will not be popular. The consensus belief was everything was rosy up until 2001. That is lie. They used to have a saying "nothing really happens on the X-files anymore". It really applies to America since 1974. It goes beyond "inequality".

          I mean, we could have 3% wage growth in 2016 and 4% wage growth in 2017. That doesn't mean a damn thing for a economy's health. The infrastructure is bad. It shows up in pop culture apathy.

          pgl -> The Rage...

          "The 2001-2007 "growth" was badly constructed."

          Glenn Hubbard might quarrel with this. He was well constructed for George W. Bush's base - rich people.

          On the whole - great comment!!!

          cm -> The Rage...

          The Y2K/dotcom boom unraveled in 2000, but not all at once. It is difficult to impossible to disentagle the boundary between dotcom bust, 9/11 and the prolonged reaction to it, and the start of the Bush presidency (and the top policymaking figures that came with that, I don't want to necessarily tie it to Bush himself).

          At the same time, the global rollout of the internet, telecommunication, (start of) commodity videoconferencing, broadband and realtime data exchange, etc. enabled the outsourcing and offshoring of large and growing segments of blue and white collar jobs, and much increased fungibility of variously skilled labor altogether.

          On that foundation, a lot of things will appear as badly constructed. Or from a different angle, given that foundation, how would you arrange for things to be well constructed?

          likbez -> cm...

          I would view 9/11 as a perfect cure for dot-com bust. Soon after invasion of Iraq stock market returned to almost precrash levels. War is the health of stock market. And since probably 1998 nobody cared about real economy anyway.

          Also housing boom started around this period as conscious, deliberate effort of Fed to blow the bubble to cure the consequences of the crash at all costs and face the day of reckoning later (without Mr. Greenspan at the helm)

          reason said...

          The problem in thinking here is the equilibrium paradigm. Equilibrium NEVER exists. If there is a glut the price falls below the marginal cost/revenue point, if the seller is desperate enough it falls to zero! Ignoring disequilibrium dynamics means this obvious (it should be obvious) point is simply ignored. The assumption of general equilibrium leads to the assumption of marginal productivity driving wages. You are not worth what you produce, you are worth precisely what somewhat else would accept to do your job.

          Lafayette -> reason...

          I could not agree more. A Market-Economy is a dynamic in constant disequilibrium, changing positively and negatively around a mean. The mean is very rarely an "equilibrium".

          likbez -> reason...

          Never say never. There some stationary points at which equilibrium probably exists for a short period of time. But as the whole system has positive feedback loop built-in and is unstable by definition. So you are right in a sense that disequilibrium is the "normal" state of such a system and equilibrium is an exception.

          reason said...

          And the problem is more growth, is more growth is a trick we cannot always do in a finite resource technologically sophisticated world. (At least not growth as it is currently seen.) We need to start thinking in much longer term time scales. Saying that we have enough oil for 30 years, is not optimistic - it is an imminent crisis - or do we want our grandchildren to see the end of the world?

          [Nov 29, 2015] neoclassical economics is involved in circular reasoning, and without a meaningful concept of capital, the rest of the system collapses.

          Notable quotes:
          "... neoclassical economics cannot establish the definition/measurement of "capital" without first knowing marginal productivity of capital; but they cannot establish the definition/measurement of marginal productivity of capital without first establishing "capital". ..."
          "... ironically, it is conceivable that the entire neoclassical case for invisible hand can be reconstructed based on labor theory of value; after all, Ricardo did that ..."
          "... But since then there has been lots of development among the more enlightened mainstream economists that have basically established that market failures are both devastating and universal. This is serious, because this means, in fact, in their heart, they know the invisible hand argument is invalid. Stiglitz came close to admit it in some interviews. ..."
          "... Whatever is/was their internal system, both the Soviet Union and China are a part of the capitalist world system and therefore both of them are obligated to pursue economic growth. ..."
          "... What you are saying/suggesting presents a profound misunderstanding of open, dissipative complex systems/structures – which we (our society, our economy – indeed our entire world ) are. ..."
          "... Such systems cannot be in a permanent thermodynamic equilibrium – controlled plateau, or "sustainability" if we will (which you seem to be wishing/suggesting). They are utterly and totally dependent on ever-expanding energy/resource "consumption" and they ALWAYS and without exception collapse (hint: A.Bartlet)! Indeed, if physics and mathematics is to be trusted, they must collapse! ..."
          peakoilbarrel.com
          Political Economist, 11/13/2015 at 3:55 pm
          Hi Dennis, I wrote a long reply to your question on labor theory of value. But somehow after I posted it, it appears to have disappeared. I am trying to re-post it here

          Dennis:

          Hi Dennis, thanks for bringing this up. This is definitely not about energy. But since you mentioned this here, let me give you some of my thought.

          First, regarding neoclassical economics, the debate between two Cambridges pretty much destroyed the logical foundation of neoclassical economics. Because neoclassical economics cannot establish the definition/measurement of "capital" without first knowing marginal productivity of capital; but they cannot establish the definition/measurement of marginal productivity of capital without first establishing "capital".

          So neoclassical economics is involved in circular reasoning, and without a meaningful concept of capital, the rest of the system collapses.

          The above is mostly theoretical. It does not necessarily undermine one's faith in the efficiency of a market economy (ironically, it is conceivable that the entire neoclassical case for invisible hand can be reconstructed based on labor theory of value; after all, Ricardo did that)

          But since then there has been lots of development among the more enlightened mainstream economists that have basically established that market failures are both devastating and universal. This is serious, because this means, in fact, in their heart, they know the invisible hand argument is invalid. Stiglitz came close to admit it in some interviews.

          Why does it matter? Consider the current environmental crisis. It is conceivable that we will fail to stop climate change and the emerging climate catastrophes will bring down human civilization. From the neoclassical perspective, this is because the market prices for fossil fuels are wrong. Can this be corrected by government intervention? From the neoclassical perspective, to do this, the government needs to know the correct prices and even if the government does know the correct prices, there is still the implementation problem (principal-agent problem, people will find ways to outmaneuver government, etc). If the government does not know the correct prices or cannot implement, then we cannot correct market failures. If, on the other hand, the government does know the correct prices and can implement, why not have socialist planning?

          Compare this to socialism. Of course one needs to be reminded of the Soviet environmental disasters. But the Soviet environmental failures were almost nothing compared to the contemporary Chinese environmental crisis (and I need to remind people that China's current environmental crisis has happened after China's capitalist transition). Whatever is/was their internal system, both the Soviet Union and China are a part of the capitalist world system and therefore both of them are obligated to pursue economic growth.

          Although this has not happened in history, but it is definitely conceivable that a socialist economy can be structured to be based on zero or negative growth. But this cannot be said of capitalism.

          In fact the strongest economic argument against socialism is that the socialist economies did not grow rapidly enough (even though Cuba succeeded in delivering higher life expectancy than the United States and for some years Cuba was considered the only country that met the principle of sustainable development by the living planet report). Therefore, the question is, if it turns out that capitalism cannot provide sustainability for human civilization, what social system can deliver sustainability while meeting population's basic needs?

          Now, about labor theory of value. There are two different questions here. One has to do with the labor theory of value as a theory to explain the long-term equilibrium prices in a competitive market economy and the other has to do with what Marx called the theory of surplus value.

          About the theory of surplus value, it needs to be reminded that Marx's theory of surplus value or exploitation is not moralistic but based on observed economic facts (although it could be used for moralistic purposes). All it says is no more than this: in a capitalist economy, a workers has to work longer than the social labor time embodied in the commodities consumed by the worker himself (or the worker's family) and in this sense, the capitalist profit (surplus value) derives from the worker's surplus labor. This is factually true.

          Of course, as you said, a similar quantitative relationship can be established for other production inputs. Say, the total energy consumed in a society will have to be greater than the energy input used for energy production (people here are of course familiar with EROEI, which has to be greater than 1 for society to function). Based on this, one could argue that not only the workers are exploited but energy is also "exploited".

          But if one really wants to extend the concept of "exploitation" here (which I don't think makes sense), what is being "exploited" is energy BUT NOT energy owners (even less the owners of capital goods consuming energy).

          In any case, the concept of "exploitation" or surplus value has to be used in a context of social relations. It makes sense that the workers can take over the means of production and appropriate their own surplus value (or products of their surplus labor). But it is obviously nonsense to say that the energy input can somehow appropriate the "surplus energy" consumed in other energy consumption processes.

          Finally, about the long-term equilibrium prices. It can be easily established that in "simple commodity production" (pre-capitalist market economy, where the producers own their means of production), market prices tend to fluctuate around ratios that are in proportion to the total labor embodied in commodities (including both direct labor and indirect labor embodied in means of production).

          The problem has to do with "prices of production" or the equilibrium prices in capitalism (you are probably aware that this is known as the "transformation problem" in the Marxist literature). All the difficulty comes from the fact that in capitalism, the direct labor time ("live labor") is further divided into necessary labor (the labor time it takes for the worker to replace his value of labor power) and surplus labor. In fact, knowing the production coefficients, a unique set of equilibrium prices and the equilibrium profit rate can be solved from a set of past labor (indirect labor), necessary labor, and surplus labor for each commodity. Thus, a definite set of mathematical relations can be established between the prices and the labor variables (although it's no longer simple proportionality; but I think it does not matter)

          Of course the Neo-Sraffians would like to emphasize that you can take any other important input (say, energy) and establish a similar set of relationship between prices and say, past energy, necessary energy, and surplus energy. But, as I said, energy cannot be a player in social relations.

          In any case, labor theory of value plays an insignificant role in modern Marxist economics (I personally still think labor theory of value is valid but it no longer provides important insights).

          You will not find labor theory of value in my book. But I hope you will still find it intellectually interesting (and a little provocative).

          Minqi Li, 11/13/2015 at 4:02 pm
          Hi Ron, I prepared a long reply to Dennis's question. But each time when I posted it, it was marked as SPAM.

          I saved the response to Dennis here:

          http://redchinacn.net/portal.php?mod=view&aid=28599#comment

          Can you help me to post it? Thank you

          Fred Magyar, 11/13/2015 at 5:24 pm
          Hi Minqi Li,
          I read your reply to Dennis and found it cogent, however I do have a problem with the standard neoclassical economic viewpoint and as I have stated many times I find the standard capitalist and communist economic models to be less than useful systems with which to address our current global dilemmas. I am of the school of thought that we have to invent completely new ways of thinking and acting. There are some people who have embarked on this journey. I think this group best embodies my current thinking about what kinds of systems we need to develop. Some of these ideas are already taking hold in China too.

          循环经济

          http://www.ellenmacarthurfoundation.org/

          Cheers!

          Political Economist, 11/13/2015 at 8:07 pm
          Fred, thanks for commenting.

          The concept of 循环经济 or recycling economy is actually what China borrowed from the West. Chinese economists started talking about it in the 1990s. The practice is not as radical as it sounds. The primary intention has not been so much about saving the environment as accelerating capital accumulation by saving costs.

          Although in some cases it has had some beneficial "side effects"

          I agree that we need completely new thinking and practice that go beyond the 20th century. I am of the school that zero (if not negative) economic growth is necessary for sustainability. The question is what kind of economic system can deliver it.

          Petro, 11/14/2015 at 1:15 am
          "…I am of the school that zero (if not negative) economic growth is necessary for sustainability. The question is what kind of economic system can deliver it…."

          What you are saying/suggesting presents a profound misunderstanding of open, dissipative complex systems/structures – which we (our society, our economy – indeed our entire world ) are.

          Such systems cannot be in a permanent thermodynamic equilibrium – controlled plateau, or "sustainability" if we will (which you seem to be wishing/suggesting).
          They are utterly and totally dependent on ever-expanding energy/resource "consumption" and they ALWAYS and without exception collapse (hint: A.Bartlet)!
          Indeed, if physics and mathematics is to be trusted, they must collapse!

          -So, when you say:
          "…The question is what kind of economic system can deliver it…", you are looking for the wrong, non-existing thing.

          Consider that before your book is published…

          Be well,

          Petro

          Political Economist, 11/14/2015 at 2:56 am
          Unfortuantely, the book is already published.

          Keynes said: "In the long run, we are all dead"

          Petro, 11/14/2015 at 9:17 pm
          "Unfortunately, the book is already published"

          Unfortunately indeed!

          Be well.

          Petro

          Javier, 11/14/2015 at 10:36 am
          Hi Petro,

          I agree in principle, but it is clear that societies can be built that are stable for hundreds to thousands of years until conditions diverge too much from those that allowed their formation. Hunter-gatherer societies were economically and socially stable in many parts of the world for most of the Holocene, so in principle it is theoretically possible to build a stable society that takes from the environment not much more than what can be renewed or recycled or last for a very long time. Animals and plants do it all the time, but of course their numbers are checked by the environment. And of course it would have little to do with current industrial civilization that is completely unsustainable.

          Petro, 11/14/2015 at 9:24 pm
          Hunter-Gatherers were stable ONLY for nature kept a "big stick" over their head every time they multiplied more than they should have…but as Ron has said multiple times: we are clever and have bypassed that (or so we think…).

          Theoretically- as you say- yes!
          Practically: NO!

          "…We will kill them all…"
          ~ Ron Patterson

          -And lastly, all this is mute for we ALREADY have passed the tipping point, or the point of no return- if you will.

          Be well,

          Petro

          Fred Magyar, 11/14/2015 at 4:23 am
          I agree with the idea that trying to achieve a zero growth economy is the only path towards sustainability.

          Two points:

          First the concept of the 'Circular Economy' goes far beyond simple recycling.

          It incorporates systems and design thinking at a fundamental level in all aspects of the economy, government,and social systems. It thinks of the economy as an ecosystem. It borrows heavily from how nature builds sustainable systems. It is also very important to understand that it is not just a greenwashing. It is about a deep and fundamental process change.

          Second: At our current juncture 'Perfect' is the enemy of good enough!
          We need to move forward with all aspects of the 'Circular Economy' We don't have time to design and build a perfect system, We are in a situation where we know that our current ways of doing things are not sustainable so we have to push ahead with imperfect solutions and learn as we go.

          Best Hopes!

          BTW, Petro is only technically correct here:

          -What you are saying/suggesting presents a profound misunderstanding of open, dissipative complex systems/structures – which we (our society, our economy – indeed our entire world ) are.

          Without throwing the baby of ecosystem thermodynamics 101 out with the bath water, I repeat my point 'Perfect' is the enemy of good enough. Ecosystems are relatively speaking stable and have been for long periods of time. Nature has been tweaking them for 3.8 billion years. We on the other hand have managed to really screw things up in just a few thousand years.

          We need to go back and learn how nature does design
          https://goo.gl/tu3kPj

          Ron Patterson, 11/14/2015 at 5:57 am
          We need to go back and learn how nature does design

          If we went back to when nature was in balance, to the point to where we were no longer destroying the ecosystem, then we would be back to only a few million Homo sapiens on earth.

          While it is true that humans are a part of nature, it is also true that cancer is a part of nature.

          Fred Magyar, 11/14/2015 at 7:30 am
          We need to go back and learn how nature does design

          If we went back to when nature was in balance,

          Ron, that totally misses the point!

          Yes, the ultimate goal would be to have sustainable systems in place. However, we are not in a position to go back to anything. We need to go forward. The point I was making is that we can learn from the way nature creates sustainable ecosystems and apply those lessons to our own systems. This is why I wanted to make crystal clear that I'm not talking about greenwashing or anything 'Green' in the old hippie commune model.

          Basically nature uses multiple interconnected circular systems simultaneously on various scales from the microscopic to gigantic. Think of the multiple ecosystems on a single tree in a rainforest. The mosses and lichens fungi living on the bark of the tree. All the insect communities, ants, beetles, arachnids, etc, that depend on that. The tree itself using sunlight through photosynthesis, breathing, producing O2,transporting water and recycling nutrients, the carbon and nitrogen cycles and so on. The top of the tree is colonized with with completely different specialized ecosystems covered with epiphytes. Tree frogs and lizards living in the water filled pools created in the base of bromeliads. The birds and snakes living in the canopy. The large and small mammals living in various niches within all those ecosystems, the detrivores and bacteria and fungi that recycle all the nutrients from the organisms that die, etc… etc… and we are talking just one tree in a forest. This is the kind of integrated systems design that we need to emulate in our cities and businesses.

          We humans, on the other hand, have built linear consumptive nonintegrated systems. These systems are extremely wasteful. Linear systems only work when resources limits are nonexistent. We no longer have the luxury of continuing with such systems. We need to learn how nature practically eliminates waste by emulating a model where waste streams are resource inputs and everything is reused there is practically no waste in a functioning stable ecosystem.

          Ron Patterson, 11/14/2015 at 8:00 am
          We need to learn how nature practically eliminates waste by emulating a model where waste streams are resource inputs and everything is reused there is practically no waste in a functioning stable ecosystem.

          I totally understand your point Fred, but you are simply missing the big picture. When you say "we" just who are you talking about? Obviously if you are talking about fixing the terrible mess we find ourselves in, then "we" has to mean "we humans", all of us. And when you do that you are talking absolute nonsense.

          Individuals can change but human nature cannot change. "We" will go on behaving in the future exactly as we have behaved in the past. The mass of humanity is consuming the natural resources like a drunken sailor going through his rich uncle's inheritance. And I don't mean just fossil resources, I mean all resources, all nature's bounty. And we are taking it from all the other creatures who are less clever than we are.

          And "we" will continue to do so until it is gone, and all the other creatures are gone also.

          wimbi, 11/13/2015 at 10:50 pm

          A simple engineer's suggestion for basis of new economics, based on conversation with wiser ones elsewhere.

          Proper economic structure is that which maximizes the number of options available for future choices.

          Same as, minimize irreversibility; same as second law of thermo. Or, don't mess things up for the next guy.

          Examples of violations of basic rule- kill the coral, next guy has less fish ; burn the oil, next guy has a smaller hunk of planet at bearable temps.

          Example of application of basic rule – go to solar for energy, and stick within bounds of activity thereby set.

          NB- another fundamental flaw of capitalism– like stars growing in a dust cloud where more massive ones grab mass faster than littler ones, ending up with big one gobbling it all. Bigger capitalists grab more resources faster than smaller ones, ending up with big ones getting it all.
          And, very serious consequence – gross maldistribution of resource relative to individual ability to use resource wisely.

          Above observations not to be attributed to me.

          [Nov 28, 2015] Most of What You Learned in Econ 101 Is Wrong

          Greg Mankiw is not a scientist in any meaningful sense. As a member of "Harvard mafia" he is hired propagandist that camouflages as an economist and works for financial oligarchy which promotes neoliberalism. And under neoliberalism like in Marxism the economics serves as a tool to justify social theory.
          Notable quotes:
          "... Mankiw's book, like every introductory econ textbook I know of, has a big problem. Most of what's in it is probably wrong. ..."
          "... But for Econ 101 classes, explaining only a small slice of reality isn't good enough. If economics majors leave their classes thinking that the theories they learned are mostly correct, they will make bad decisions in both business and politics. We shouldn't train tomorrow's business elite to have faith in theories that have only a small amount of empirical success. ..."
          "... Current textbooks, including Mankiw's, almost all play down the role of data and evidence. ..."
          "... so basically all the supply siders and libertarians and the like are preaching the same sort of economics theories that were taught prior to Keynes ..."
          "... yea maybe we should call the supply siders the flat earthers ..."
          "... Not every economic class is taught using Mankiw. Thankfully. ..."
          "... but there is also the issue of whether in reality the employee could survive on the given wage if the pay does not allow the worker to survive, then him/her agreeing to work for the less than living wage doesn't help ..."
          "... It is not a viable situation. The workers will not be able to perform their duties. It will not work anyway. We didn't treat horses this way, as if their cost could approach zero without consequences, why do we treat people as if they could survive on less and less resources with no limit. ..."
          "... Then if they don't accept that impossible situation and ask for help from the government or form unions, then they are the ones "causing all the problems" ..."
          "... How about this? A $15 minimum raise hike is more likely to close down jobs in the mid wage category than in the low wage. A hike probably means income will come from the mid overall to the low overall because low wage produced goods were relatively under priced (not marked to market because of prior monopsony). ..."
          Bloomberg View

          Harvard's Greg Mankiw, author of the most popular college introductory economics textbook, is often regarded as America's econ teacher. He famously refers to his "Principles of Economics" as "my favorite textbook," and I must admit that it's also my favorite. It's written in a clear, explanatory style and covers the basics of most important theories in modern economics.

          But Mankiw's book, like every introductory econ textbook I know of, has a big problem. Most of what's in it is probably wrong.

          In the last three decades, the economics profession has undergone a profound shift. The rise of information technology and new statistical methods has dramatically increased the importance of data and empirics. This means that many professional economists are no longer, as empirical pioneer David Card put it, "mathematical philosophers." Instead, they are more like scientists, digging through mountains of evidence to find precious grains of truth.

          And what they have found has often been revolutionary. The simple theories we teach in Econ 101 classes work once in a while, but in many important cases they fail.

          For example, Econ 101 theory tells us that minimum wage policies should have a harmful impact on employment. Basic supply and demand analysis says that in a free market, wages adjust so that everyone who wants a job has a job -- supply matches demand. Less productive workers earn less, but they are still employed. If you set a price floor -- a lower limit on what employers are allowed to pay -- then it will suddenly become un-economical for companies to retain all the workers whose productivity is lower than that price floor. In other words, minimum wage hikes should quickly put a bunch of low-wage workers out of a job.

          That's theory. Reality, it turns out, is very different. In the last two decades, empirical economists have looked at a large number of minimum wage hikes, and concluded that in most cases, the immediate effect on employment is very small. It's only in the long run that minimum wages might start to make a big difference.

          That doesn't mean the theory is wrong, of course. It probably only describes a small piece of what is really going on in the labor market. In reality, employment probably depends on a lot more than just today's wage level -- it depends on predictions of future wages, on long-standing employment relationships and on a host of other things too complicated to fit into the tidy little world of Econ 101.

          For academic economists, that's no problem. If existing theories explain only a sliver of reality, they simply roll up their sleeves and get to work. Many labor economists are now working on complex theories that model the process of employees looking for work and employers looking for people to hire. For professional theorists, empirical failures simply mean more work to do.

          But for Econ 101 classes, explaining only a small slice of reality isn't good enough. If economics majors leave their classes thinking that the theories they learned are mostly correct, they will make bad decisions in both business and politics. We shouldn't train tomorrow's business elite to have faith in theories that have only a small amount of empirical success.

          Another example is welfare. Econ 101 theory tells us that welfare gives people an incentive not to work. If you subsidize leisure, simple theory says you will get more of it.

          But recent empirical studies have shown that such effects are usually very small. Occasionally, welfare programs even make people work more. For example, a study in Uganda found that grants for poor people looking to improve their skills resulted in people working much more than before.

          This has big political implications. If we train tomorrow's business elites to think that welfare encourages laziness, they may block support for policies that really improve the lives of the poor -- and the economic productivity of the whole nation. But this is precisely what Econ 101 is now doing.

          So what's the solution? Complex theories sometimes do a better job of explaining reality than simple ones, but these theories are way beyond the mathematical skill of most undergrad econ majors. A better alternative is to start teaching empirics in 101.

          Current textbooks, including Mankiw's, almost all play down the role of data and evidence. They sometimes refer to the results of empirical studies, but they don't give students an in-depth understanding of how those studies worked. Yet this wouldn't be very hard to do. The kind of empirical analysis now taking over the econ profession -- often called the "quasi-experimental" approach -- isn't that hard to understand. Simple examples could even be done in the classroom, or as homework assignments.

          In other words, the economics profession has gotten real, and it's time for Econ 101 to do the same. We now have an academic economics profession focused on examining evidence and an Econ 101 curriculum that focuses on telling pleasant but often useless fables. Econ education needs to get with the times.

          This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.

          To contact the author of this story:

          Noah Smith at [email protected]

          Selected Skeptical Comments (Economist View, November 25, 2015)

          Anonymous said... Wednesday, November 25, 2015 at 05:34 AM

          "Most of What You Learned in Econ 101 Is Wrong"

          To this crowd, it should be - Most of what we taught you in Econ 101 is Wrong.

          djb -> Peter K....

          from the smith article

          "For example, Econ 101 theory tells us that minimum wage policies should have a harmful impact on employment. Basic supply and demand analysis says that in a free market, wages adjust so that everyone who wants a job has a job -- supply matches demand."

          if this is what they are teaching in econ 101 then of course it is wrong and I would not be surprised if mankiws book is teaching this

          as Keynes showed 80 years ago

          so basically all the supply siders and libertarians and the like are preaching the same sort of economics theories that were taught prior to Keynes

          Say's law, invisible hand, always at full employment, no such thing as involuntary unemployment, no possibility of inadequate aggregate demand

          amazing

          Peter K. -> djb...

          Agreed. I would divide the world into the Keynesians and supply siders. Mankiw is a strange hack in that he gets the "new Keynesian" view but often puts out propaganda on behalf of the supply siders.

          Anonymous, Kervick and their ilk argue that some Keynesians are just as bad as the supply siders.

          But they have no grounds.

          pgl -> Peter K....

          It is more than the macroeconomic debates. The minimum wage debate comes down to whether all markets are perfectly competitive. Any economist worth his salt realizes that they are not.

          Dan Kervick -> Peter K:

          Not sure what that means exactly - since I don't know what kinds of supply siders you are talking about. But since Mankiw is one of the leading figures of New Keynesianism, and is pretty bad, then yeah .. I guess it follows that some Keynesians are as bad as supply siders.

          Keynes suggested a social philosophy that followed from his economic analysis. The social philosophy was based on the idea that the lack of full employment and arbitrary and inequitable distributions of income were "faults" of our economic society - bad things. But if someone doesn't think those are bad things, then I suppose they could completely accept Keynes's analysis of how the economy works, but not go in for the Keynesian social philosophy and the policy choices it leads to.

          anne said in reply to Dan Kervick...

          Keynes suggested a social philosophy that followed from his economic analysis. The social philosophy was based on the idea that the lack of full employment and arbitrary and inequitable distributions of income were "faults" of our economic society...

          [ Nice passage. ]

          William said in reply to djb...

          Imagine if other courses were taught like econ.

          History would start with reading Herodotus as fact, flat earth, giant ants and all.

          Psychology 101 would teach you only the ideas of Freud. Sure none of his ideas are taken seriously anymore, but he is easy to understand and the foundation of modern, complex theories, so it's all good right?

          djb said in reply to William...

          yea maybe we should call the supply siders the flat earthers

          pgl said in reply to William...


          Not every economic class is taught using Mankiw. Thankfully.

          pgl said in reply to djb...

          Noah really wrote this? "That doesn't mean the theory is wrong, of course. It probably only describes a small piece of what is really going on in the labor market. "

          Noah needs to take a time out from blogging until he reads Dani Rodrik's Economist Rules. Dani notes we have lots of theories but the real trick is to figure out which one to use for a particular situation.

          I have not looked at a Mankiw text for a long time (overpriced from an arrogant Harvard Republican homeboy) so I don't know if he only presents the perfectly competitive model of employment. If he does - no wonder his book is so clueless on the minimum wage debate.

          When I took undergraduate principles, I read Paul Samuelson's excellent book and it did talk about things like monopsony power. Put a wage floor on a monopsonist and employment rises.

          So the real issue is are we presenting students with the full array of models and then having them read Dani's excellent book.

          djb said in reply to pgl...

          one issue regarding minimum wages issues. The classical school says if only the person would work for less we would have full employment

          (Keynes proved this false)

          but there is also the issue of whether in reality the employee could survive on the given wage if the pay does not allow the worker to survive, then him/her agreeing to work for the less than living wage doesn't help

          It is not a viable situation. The workers will not be able to perform their duties. It will not work anyway. We didn't treat horses this way, as if their cost could approach zero without consequences, why do we treat people as if they could survive on less and less resources with no limit.

          Then if they don't accept that impossible situation and ask for help from the government or form unions, then they are the ones "causing all the problems"

          but seriously, that is what the theoretical idea that workers should take less and less and less with no limit gives us in reality

          Denis Drew, November 25, 2015 at 07:14 AM

          Re: Most of What You Learned in Econ 101 Is Wrong - Noah Smith

          How about this? A $15 minimum raise hike is more likely to close down jobs in the mid wage category than in the low wage. A hike probably means income will come from the mid overall to the low overall because low wage produced goods were relatively under priced (not marked to market because of prior monopsony).

          Consumers tend to purchase more of goods produced by employees at their own wage level. Ergo, when income flows overall from the mid to the low -- the low may spend that new money disproportionately among themselves. While some mid wage producers will lose out on business gone south and be forced to lay off workers.

          Easy way to make this loss from mid to low painless as possible: hybrid redistribution via tax hikes for the (really) top with matching tax cuts for the mids.

          I am thinking (just to throw something out) 90% taxes on all income over $2 million dollars. Maybe 50% over $650,000 (the entry to the top 1%?).

          Under the theory that people will enthusiastically work for $200 a week if that is the best their economic place and time can do -- but the same people will not work for $400 a week if their era could and should be paying $800.

          I'm thinking grossly underpaid Chicago retail clerk ($800 a week by collective bargaining marked to market) and Chicago gangs which now have 100,000 out of my guesstimate 200,000 gang-age, minority males. I'm also thinking old American born taxi drivers like myself who wont work 60 grueling hours for $500 a week (I did for $750). I'm thinking family raising adults who no longer show up for two-tier (thanks to Walmart) contract supermarket work.

          Today's time and US place CEOs, professional athletes (who basically just retain feral animal skills), TV news anchors and movie stars earn 20 times what their 50s and 60s predecessors did -- they can certainly pay similarly high tax rates (though not from as low a starting point -- double per capita income in this era). They will work just as hard once they get used to the new (hybrid) redistribution regime representing the most anybody can squeeze out of their era.

          PPaine said in reply to PPaine ...

          Brad Delong is the iconic merit elite culprit. Why? Larry S and Stan fish cake are handsomely rewarded. Plutonian über hacks . Brad is flying solely on merit fumes

          Peter K. said in reply to PPaine ...

          If DeLong has been listened to the recovery would have been much better.

          Both he and Summers argue policymakers have squandered one year's worth of GDP. That's a damning statement. They're on the job class side more than not. Same with Krugman and Thoma.

          "As well they should. U.S. output is now about 10 percent below a trend estimated through 2007. If one attributes even half of this figure to the effects of recession and assumes no catch up on this component until 2030, the cost of the financial crisis in the U.S. is about one year's gross domestic product. And matters are worse in the rest of the industrial world.

          As macroeconomics was transformed in response to the Depression of the 1930s and the inflation of the 1970s, another 40 years later it should again be transformed in response to stagnation in the industrial world.

          Maybe we can call it the Keynesian New Economics."

          https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2015/11/03/larry-summers-advanced-economies-are-so-sick-we-need-a-new-way-to-think-about-them/

          They're not like Varoufakis and Zizek but so what there will be a broad coalition.

          http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2015/11/24/europe-is-kaputt-long-live-europe-royal-festival-hall-woth-slavoj-zizek-julian-assange/

          [Nov 23, 2015] An Unforgiving Musical-Chairs Economy

          Notable quotes:
          "... Every year, in the backwaters of America, that economy seems to put out fewer and fewer chairs. ..."
          "... Not pull the wool over our eyes. But they both do defend and rely on a mainstream neoliberal, New Keynesian models of the economy which I think paint a very inadequate picture of the way our economy actually functions and is woefully inadequate as a guide for policy action - especially of the kinds that are urgently needed in 2015. ..."
          "... I dont think Krugman and DeLong are the forces of evil. I just think the United States is in much worse shape then they seem prepared to come to grips with, and is in need of much more radical social and economic change then they seem willing to propose or entertain. They are stuck in the past and weighed down by defunct orthodoxies and theoretical abstractions. ..."
          "... Most of my general criticisms of economists, by the way, are aimed at macroeconomists. I listened to a lecture by Robert Schiller the other day about his new book, and thought it sounded like great stuff. I think there is lots of great empirical work going on based on nuanced and up-to-date theories of human behavior. The macro guys often claim - on the basis of some kind of anti-reductionist credo - that their grand uniform economic theories of everything can float free of any foundation in theories of the actual behavior of actual human beings. But the theories are in practice based on analogies from individual or firm behavior to macro behavior, and the behavioral models on which they are based are extremely crude. ..."
          "... But basically, I think my main axe to grind is that these economists are just not sufficiently appalled by the moral horrors of the social world we live in. There is a general lack of zeal. ..."
          "... Sadly, it is also the case that the Democrats have backed way off economic issues since the late 1970s. At the time they suffered a massive fundraising disadvantage and wanted to attract big money donors (still Hillarys position). ..."
          November 22, 2015 | Economist's View '

          Harold Pollack (the beginning of the post talks about a recent column in the NY Times noting that "The people who most rely on the safety-net programs secured by Democrats are, by and large, not voting against their own interests by electing Republicans. Rather, they are not voting, period," and how that has turned blues states red):

          What's the matter with Kentucky?: ...Viewed from afar, one might think that categories such as "deserving poor" or "disabled" are reasonably clear-cut. Viewed up-close, things seem much more fuzzy. Many people who rely on public aid straddle the boundaries between deserving and undeserving, disabled and able-bodied. Many of us know people who receive various public benefits, and who might not need to rely on these programs if they made better choices, if they learned how to not talk back at work, if they had a better handle on various self-destructive behaviors, if they were more willing to take that crappy job and forego disability benefits, etc.

          It's easy, even viewing our own friends and relatives, to confuse cause and effect regarding more intimate barriers. A sad reality of psychiatric disorders is that the very symptoms which inflict mental pain on the sufferer can make themselves felt to others in ways that undermine empathy and personal relationships.

          Across the Thanksgiving dinner table, you see these human frailties and failures more intensely and with greater granularity than the labor economist could possibly see running cold data at the Census Bureau. But operating at high altitude, the labor economist sees structural issues you can't see from eye level.

          There have always been vulnerable people, whose troubles arise from an impossible-to-untangle mixture of bad luck, destructive behaviors, and difficult personal circumstance. That economist can't see why your imperfect cousin can't seem to get it together to hold a basic job. She can see that your cousin is being squeezed out by an unforgiving musical-chairs economy. Every year, in the backwaters of America, that economy seems to put out fewer and fewer chairs.

          Posted by Mark Thoma on Sunday, November 22, 2015 at 12:10 PM in Economics | Permalink Comments (26)

          pgl said...

          "Supporters of expanded social provision must find better ways to engage poor people, to get out their votes."

          Of course Republicans are doing everything they can to keep poor people from voting.

          cm -> pgl...
          Also in the US, elections seem to always (?) take place on work days, whereas e.g. in Germany the happen on Sundays as a rule. Of course one can vote by mail, but that requires a pretty stable and reliable mailing address ...
          pgl -> cm...
          In the South the Republicans loathe the idea that voting might occur on Sundays. Seems they fear those black mega churches turning out the vote.
          cm -> pgl...
          I was thinking more of people being unable to (or "preferring" not to) miss work, and not being able to show up for work as well as vote on the same day.

          Do you think that people don't have enough willpower to sustain their decision to vote from Sunday to Tuesday? Or that they would vote only under the social pressure from the church group?

          pgl -> cm...

          I'm just saying let them vote when they can. As in your first sentence here.

          Number 6 said...

          The US is a militarist-imperialist, rentier-socialist, friendly fascist (for now) corporate-state for the top 0.001-1% to ~10% (the best gov't the money of the top 0.001-1% can buy) and a moronocracy for the rest of us, i.e., "no representation without taxation".

          What is needed is 'Merikans for Moronocracy (or Morons for a New 'Merika) for us morons in red AND blue states to write in our own names for CEO of the fascist corporate-state. Imagine tens of millions of us unaffiliated morons writing in Joe Moron for POTUS and Jane Moron for Veep (or switch for your gender-specific or non-specific preference, or not).

          Surely, none of us could do any worse for the bottom 90%+ than the Establishmet top 0.001%'s "choices" over the past 30-40+ years, or the current lot of Dame Hilbillary, The Donald, Crazy Carson, et al. (Of course, Bernie Sanders speaks to the values and objectives of the vast majority of 'Merikans who are actually democratic socialists but have been propagandized for at least a century or more not to know it.)

          Morons of the world unite!!!

          anne said...

          http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/11/22/thinking-about-the-trumpthinkable/

          November 22, 2015

          Thinking About the Trumpthinkable
          By Paul Krugman

          Alan Abramowitz * reads the latest Washington Post poll and emails:

          "Read these results ** and tell me how Trump doesn't win the Republican nomination? I've been very skeptical about this all along, but I'm starting to change my mind. I think there's at least a pretty decent chance that Trump will be the nominee.

          "Here's why I think Trump could very well end up as the nominee:

          "1. He's way ahead of every other candidate now and has been in the lead or tied for the lead for a long time.

          "2. The only one even giving him any competition right now is Carson who is even less plausible and whose support is heavily concentrated among one (large) segment of the base-evangelicals.

          "3. Rubio, the great establishment hope now, is deep in third place, barely in double digits and nowhere close to Trump or Carson.

          "4. By far the most important thing GOP voters are looking for in a candidate is someone to 'bring needed change to Washington.'

          "5. He is favored on almost every major issue by Republican voters including immigration and terrorism by wide margins. The current terrorism scare only helps him with Republicans. They want someone who will "bomb the shit" out of the Muslim terrorists.

          "6. There is clearly strong support among Republicans for deporting 11 million illegal immigrants. They don't provide party breakdown here, but support for this is at about 40 percent among all voters so it's got to be a lot higher than that, maybe 60 percent, among Republicans.

          "7. If none of the totally crazy things he's said up until now have hurt him among Republican voters, why would any crazy things he says in the next few months hurt him?

          "8. He's very strong in several of the early states right now including NH, NV and SC. And he could do very well on 'Super Tuesday' with all those southern states voting. I can't see anyone but Trump or Carson winning in Georgia right now, for example, most likely Trump.

          "9. And as for the idea of the GOP establishment ganging up on him and/or uniting behind another candidate like Rubio, that's at least as likely to backfire as to work. And even if it works, what's to stop Trump from then running as an independent?"

          Indeed. You have a party whose domestic policy agenda consists of shouting "death panels!," whose foreign policy agenda consists of shouting "Benghazi!," and which now expects its base to realize that Trump isn't serious. Or to put it a bit differently, the definition of a GOP establishment candidate these days is someone who is in on the con, and knows that his colleagues have been talking nonsense. Primary voters are expected to respect that?

          * http://polisci.emory.edu/home/people/faculty/abramowitz-alan.html

          ** http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/page/politics/washington-post-abc-news-poll-nov-15-19-2015/1880/

          gunste -> anne...
          The reason may well be that there is a vast group of voters who consistently vote against their better interests, because their mindset is conservative, though they are actually middle class or lower. - Kansas appears to be a great example. These people do not think things through but vote on their gut (conservative they think) instincts. Education has a great deal to do with that voting decision. Thus we seem to see a blue collar worker with a median income take positions similar to that of the 1%. Curious but educational level is the likely answer. Such voters are also much more susceptible to propaganda based on tainted or false information which is circulated freely by many of the talking heads on radio and TV. Note that the Republicans work assiduously to discourage and restrict voting by gerrymandering, rules, voting days and sometimes requiting ID. - Democracy in America is a theoretical concept now.
          cm said...
          The Musical Chairs happens not only in the backwaters. It happens in and around the major job centers too. Nor is it only a matter of no job vs. some job, also how well the job is paid, working conditions, full time vs. part time, predictable work hours or on call (and only on-premises hours paid), etc.

          It also doesn't just affect people with various "problems". There is the meme that when you are good you will always find a job, but that only works when employers are actually hiring. And the unstated part is that the job will be at your level of skill/ability. In "tech", and probably most "high skilled" fields, employers have a rather strong preference for an unbroken career in the field, you are basically defined by the "lowest" work you have done recently.

          Dan Kervick -> Peter K....
          "Kervick on the other hand tells us everyday that Krugman and DeLong are trying to pull the wool over our eyes on behalf of an evil neoliberal consensus."

          Not pull the wool over our eyes. But they both do defend and rely on a mainstream neoliberal, New Keynesian models of the economy which I think paint a very inadequate picture of the way our economy actually functions and is woefully inadequate as a guide for policy action - especially of the kinds that are urgently needed in 2015.

          I don't think Krugman and DeLong are the forces of evil. I just think the United States is in much worse shape then they seem prepared to come to grips with, and is in need of much more radical social and economic change then they seem willing to propose or entertain. They are stuck in the past and weighed down by defunct orthodoxies and theoretical abstractions.

          Maybe in their hearts they really do grasp the magnitude of the problems, but just think the political environment is not hospitable to an honest airing of the alternatives. Maybe they are scared like everyone else.

          But until prominent, established intellectuals with high profiles begin to come forward with bolder alternatives to late 20th century thinking, the America that is being crushed underfoot by an out-of-control capitalist leviathan is going to have to face a lot of unwelcome headwinds in their drive for liberating progressive change.

          Syaloc -> Dan Kervick...
          So basically you're calling for a return to a more institutional form of economics led by figures like John Kenneth Galbraith?
          Dan Kervick -> Syaloc...
          Yes, a more concrete, detailed, institution-based picture of the economic world, with more attention to history, other branches of social science, moral philosophy, cultural criticism, etc. - as well as just a bit more street smarts. Macroeconomists seem to have siloed themselves in self-contained theoretical world, where engagement with the human sciences of power and control, and the moral implications of those fields of study, are ignored.

          Most of my general criticisms of economists, by the way, are aimed at macroeconomists. I listened to a lecture by Robert Schiller the other day about his new book, and thought it sounded like great stuff. I think there is lot's of great empirical work going on based on nuanced and up-to-date theories of human behavior. The macro guys often claim - on the basis of some kind of anti-reductionist credo - that their grand uniform economic theories of everything can float free of any foundation in theories of the actual behavior of actual human beings. But the theories are in practice based on analogies from individual or firm behavior to macro behavior, and the behavioral models on which they are based are extremely crude.

          But basically, I think my main axe to grind is that these economists are just not sufficiently appalled by the moral horrors of the social world we live in. There is a general lack of zeal.

          djb said...
          a lot of it , I am sure, has to do with the "there is no difference between democrats and republicans" constant brainwashing

          which helps the republicans big time

          DrDick -> djb...
          Sadly, it is also the case that the Democrats have backed way off economic issues since the late 1970s. At the time they suffered a massive fundraising disadvantage and wanted to attract big money donors (still Hillary's position).
          djb -> DrDick...
          still republicans are way worse especially now

          DrDick said in reply to djb...

          True, but for the poor, it is quite obvious that no one really gives a damn about them. Why should they vote when all they get is bailouts for banksters and the TPP? Right now, Sanders is the only one talking about programs that would really help them and he is a long shot (and I am a Sanders supporter).

          Avraam Jack Dectis said...
          .
          A good economy compensates for much social dysfunction.

          A bad economy moves people toward the margins, afflicts those near the margins and kills those at the margins.

          This is what policy makers should consider as they pursue policies that do not put the citizen above all else.

          cm -> Avraam Jack Dectis...
          "A good economy compensates for much social dysfunction."

          More than that, it prevents the worst of behaviors that are considered an expression of dysfunction from occurring, as people across all social strata have other things to worry about or keep them busy. Happy people don't bear grudges, or at least they are not on top of their consciousness as long as things are going well.

          This could be seen time and again in societies with deep and sometimes violent divisions between ethnic groups where in times of relative prosperity (or at least a broadly shared vision for a better future) the conflicts are not removed but put on a backburner, or there is even "finally" reconciliation, and then when the economy turns south, the old grudges and conflicts come back (often not on their own, but fanned by groups who stand to gain from the divisions, or as a way of scapegoating).

          [Nov 22, 2015] The Political Aftermath of Financial Crises Going to Extremes

          Notable quotes:
          "... The typical political reaction to financial crises is as follows: votes for far-right parties increase strongly, government majorities shrink, the fractionalisation of parliaments rises and the overall number of parties represented in parliament jumps. ..."
          "... In the light of modern history, political radicalization, declining government majorities and increasing street protests appear to be the hallmark of financial crises. As a consequence, regulators and central bankers carry a big responsibility for political stability when overseeing financial markets. Preventing financial crises also means reducing the probability of a political disaster. ..."
          "... If you look at the Republican Party and, especially, Republican candidates, now it is not the question of radicalization, but the question of sanity that arises. They are so completely detached from reality that Marxists look like "hard core" realists in comparison with them. ..."
          "... The whole party looks like an extreme and bizarre cult that intends to take over the country: another analogy with Marxists. Like Marx quipped: History repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce. ..."
          "... Democrats are not that different either. With Sanders representing probably the only candidates which can be classified as "center-left" in European terms. For all practical reasons Hillary is a center-right, if not far-right (and as for foreign policy agenda she is definitely far right) candidate. ..."
          "... So the key question is about sanity of the US society under neoliberalism, not some form of "radicalization". ..."
          Nov 22, 2015 | Economist's View

          mrrunangun:

          Given that honesty in politics and government is relative, I wonder if relatively honest politics and relatively honest regulation of financial systems prevents financial crises.

          pgl

          Hillary Clinton hedges on a key issue:

          http://talkingpointsmemo.com/news/hillary-clinton-break-up-big-banks

          She says she would break up the mega banks ... if needed. It is needed - so no hedging on this issue.

          JohnH -> pgl...

          Once again pgl shows how gullible he is...believing what Hillary says not what she has done. What has she done? Well, Wall Street made her a millionaire.

          http://money.cnn.com/2015/10/13/investing/hillary-clinton-wall-street/

          Second, she announced her run for Senator from New York (Wall Street) immediately after Bill did Wall Street the mother of all favors...ending Glass-Steagall. In his naivete, pgl certainly believes that there was no quid pro quo!!!

          Third, lots of people doubt whether she can be trusted to rein in Wall Street.
          http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/22/us/politics/wall-st-ties-linger-as-image-issue-for-hillary-clinton.html?_r=0

          Of course, pgl believes lots of silly things...like his claim that Obama never proposed and signed off on austerity in 2011...or that he has proposed cutting Social Security...or that trickle down monetary policy hasn't overwhelmingly benefited the 1%.

          I wonder when somebody will finally get to sell him the Brooklyn Bridge [better act now, pgl, get a really cheap loan while you still can!!!]

          JohnH -> JohnH...

          pgl thinks that Obama NEVER proposed cutting Social Security's! What a rube!

          anne:

          http://www.voxeu.org/article/political-aftermath-financial-crises-going-extremes

          November 21, 2015

          The political aftermath of financial crises: Going to extremes
          By Manuel Funke, Moritz Schularick, and Christoph Trebesch

          Implications

          The typical political reaction to financial crises is as follows: votes for far-right parties increase strongly, government majorities shrink, the fractionalisation of parliaments rises and the overall number of parties represented in parliament jumps. These developments likely hinder crisis resolution and contribute to political gridlock. The resulting policy uncertainty may contribute to the much-debated slow economic recoveries from financial crises.

          In the light of modern history, political radicalization, declining government majorities and increasing street protests appear to be the hallmark of financial crises. As a consequence, regulators and central bankers carry a big responsibility for political stability when overseeing financial markets. Preventing financial crises also means reducing the probability of a political disaster.

          anne -> anne...

          What strikes me, is that the political response to the short-lived international financial crisis but longer lived recession was quite restrained in developed countries. Leadership changes struck me as moderate, even moderate in beset Greece as the political stance of Syriza which looked to be confrontational with regard to the other eurozone countries quickly became accepting.

          European developed country governments have been and are remarkably stable. Japan has been stable. There is political division in the United States, but I do not attribute that to the financial crisis or recession but rather to social divisions.

          The essay is just not convincing.

          likbez said...

          "What strikes me, is that the political response to the short-lived international financial crisis but longer lived recession was quite restrained in developed countries"

          If you mean that the goal of the state is providing unconditional welfare for financial oligarchy (which actually is true for neoliberalism), then I would agree.

          But if you use any common sense definition of "restrained" this is a joke. Instead of sending criminals to jail they were awarded with oversized bonuses.

          I think the authors are way too late to the show. There is no much left of the New Deal anyway, so radicalization of the US society was a fait accompli long before crisis of 2008.

          If you look at the Republican Party and, especially, Republican candidates, now it is not the question of radicalization, but the question of sanity that arises. They are so completely detached from reality that Marxists look like "hard core" realists in comparison with them.

          The whole party looks like an extreme and bizarre cult that intends to take over the country: another analogy with Marxists. Like Marx quipped: History repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce.

          Democrats are not that different either. With Sanders representing probably the only candidates which can be classified as "center-left" in European terms. For all practical reasons Hillary is a center-right, if not far-right (and as for foreign policy agenda she is definitely far right) candidate.

          So the key question is about sanity of the US society under neoliberalism, not some form of "radicalization".

          [Nov 21, 2015] O'Malley best debate line: I think it may be time for us to quit taking advice from economists

          Notable quotes:
          "... I loved that Bernie Sanders was willing to drop the "F-bomb" (fraud) on Wall Street but he needs to swing much harder at Clinton. Clinton was quick to zing O'Malley as a hypocrite by noting he appointed a former hedge-fund manager to some state regulatory position when given the chance, but yet neither Sanders or O'Malley hit back with the fact that her only child and Clinton Foundation board member, Chelsea Clinton, worked for the hedge fund of a Clinton family pal and mega-donor in 2006. ..."
          "... I thought O'Malley had one of the best lines of the night when he said "I think it may be time for us to quit taking advice from economists" but it seemed to go mostly unnoticed and unappreciated. ..."
          "... Sanders did a relatively good job of deflecting and not getting zinged by the 'gotcha' question but a full-frontal assault would have been much better. Stronger, more Presidential and with the added bonus of giving neo-liberal economists under the pay of plutocrats a black eye. Another missed opportunity. The questioner set it up perfectly for him. I would have loved to see the expression on her corn-fed face when Bernie turned her 'gotcha' question that she had spent so much time and thought crafting into the home-run answer of the evening. Perhaps it could happen in a debate in the near future. ..."
          November 16, 2015 | naked capitalism

          Hillary Clinton Appeal to 9-11 to Defend Wall Street Donations Was Bad, But This Was Worse

          Jerry Denim, November 16, 2015 at 11:46 am

          I couldn't believe my eyes and ears during the debate when Sanders impugned Clinton's integrity for taking Wall Street super PAC money and she seemed to successfully deflect the accusation by going full-bore star-spangled sparkle eagle. She played the vagina card then quickly blurted out "9/11 New York" for applause while attempting conflate aiding and abetting Wall Street with the 9/11 attacks and patriotism. I couldn't believe people were clapping and I couldn't believe Clinton had the audacity to pull such a illogical and juvenile stunt on live television, but yet CBS reported her highest approval scores of the debate were registered during her confusing but emotionally rousing (for some people apparently) "vagina, 9/11" defense.

          I loved that Bernie Sanders was willing to drop the "F-bomb" (fraud) on Wall Street but he needs to swing much harder at Clinton. Clinton was quick to zing O'Malley as a hypocrite by noting he appointed a former hedge-fund manager to some state regulatory position when given the chance, but yet neither Sanders or O'Malley hit back with the fact that her only child and Clinton Foundation board member, Chelsea Clinton, worked for the hedge fund of a Clinton family pal and mega-donor in 2006. Neither candidate mentioned that her son-in-law and the father of her grandchild who she is so fond of mentioning, just so happens to be an extremely rich hedge fund manager who benefits handsomely from the Clinton's political connections and prestige. This isn't mud, this is extremely germane, factual material already on the public record. It gets to the core of who Hillary is and where her loyalties lie. Hillary herself chose to identify unregulated derivatives and the repeal of Glass-Steagall as the primary causes of the financial crisis. She either claimed directly or insinuated that she would address these issues as President, but surprisingly no one pointed out that it was her husband's administration that blocked Brooksley Born from regulating derivatives in the 1990's and it was her husband's administration that effectively repealed Glass-Steagal with the signing of Gramm-Leach-Billey act in 1999. It's not a stretch to say the Clinton's deregulation of Wall Street paved the way for the crisis of 2008 and the extreme income inequality of today. Wall Street is deeply unpopular and Bernie Sanders has built a candidacy on two main issues: attacking Wall Street and addressing income inequality. These are punches he can't afford not to throw at his rival when she holds a commanding lead in the polls plus the support of the DNC and media establishment. Clinton is deeply corrupt and beholden to Wall Street. She needs to be beaten with this stick hard and often. Attempting to deflect this very accurate, very damaging criticism by wrapping herself in the flag and invoking feminism is a cheap stunt that will only work so many times before people notice what she is doing. Bernie needs to swing harder and keep at it, he already has the right message and Clinton is highly vulnerable on his pet topics.

          I thought O'Malley had one of the best lines of the night when he said "I think it may be time for us to quit taking advice from economists" but it seemed to go mostly unnoticed and unappreciated. I would have loved a frontal assault on the validity and integrity of economists when the bespectacled lady in blue attempted to nail down Sanders with a 'gotcha' question implying raising the minimum wage would be catastrophic for the economy because "such-and-such economist" said so. There is so much disdain for science and academic credentials in the heartland right now, it seems crazy not to harness this anti-academic populist energy and redirect it to a deserving target like neo-liberal economists instead of climate scientists. " How's that Laffer curve working out for ya Iowa? Are you feeling the prosperity 'trickle down' yet?" Sanders did a relatively good job of deflecting and not getting zinged by the 'gotcha' question but a full-frontal assault would have been much better. Stronger, more Presidential and with the added bonus of giving neo-liberal economists under the pay of plutocrats a black eye. Another missed opportunity. The questioner set it up perfectly for him. I would have loved to see the expression on her corn-fed face when Bernie turned her 'gotcha' question that she had spent so much time and thought crafting into the home-run answer of the evening. Perhaps it could happen in a debate in the near future.

          [Nov 17, 2015] Chicagonomics and Economics Rules

          It's not about Adam Smith, it's about well paid intellectual prostitutes hired to restore the rule of financial oligarchy. The books discussed are Chicagoedonomics: The Evolution of Chicago Free Market Economics by By Lanny Ebenstein (278pp) and ECONOMICS RULES The Rights and Wrongs of the Dismal Science By Dani Rodrik (253pp)
          Notable quotes:
          "... He believed that government had a crucial role to play in a well-functioning economy. It should finance and run good schools, as well as build roads, bridges and parks, he argued. It should tax alcohol, sugar and tobacco, all of which impose costs on society. It should regulate businesses to protect workers. And it should tax the rich - who suffer from "indolence and vanity" - to help the poor. ..."
          "... Which leftist economist was this? None other than Adam Smith, the inventor of the "invisible hand" and the icon of ­laissez-faire economics today. Smith's modern reputation is a caricature. ... ..."
          Nov 17, 2015 | Economist's View

          David Leonhardt reviews 'Chicagonomics' and 'Economics Rules':

          'Chicagonomics' and 'Economics Rules': He believed that government had a crucial role to play in a well-functioning economy. It should finance and run good schools, as well as build roads, bridges and parks, he argued. It should tax alcohol, sugar and tobacco, all of which impose costs on society. It should regulate businesses to protect workers. And it should tax the rich - who suffer from "indolence and vanity" - to help the poor.

          Which leftist economist was this? None other than Adam Smith, the inventor of the "invisible hand" and the icon of ­laissez-faire economics today. Smith's modern reputation is a caricature. ...

          pgl
          "Dani Rodrik, a Harvard economics professor, has written a much less political book than Ebenstein has, titled "Economics Rules," in which he sets out to explain the discipline to outsiders (and does a nice job). Yet in surveying the larger "rights and wrongs" of economics, to quote his subtitle, Rodrik has diagnosed the central mistake that contemporary libertarians have made: They have conflated ideas that often make sense with those that always make sense."

          Dani is often under looked in these discussions which is a shame. His writings on how different societies have dealt with their local issues is some of the most informed economics out there.

          likbez -> pgl...

          I think we need to distinguish between Friedman the academic economist before writing Capitalism and Freedom (1962) and Friedman the public intellectual after.

          "After" Friedman was a dismal intellectual prostitute that promoted neoliberalism for money paid by financial oligarchy. The level of dishonesty and intellectual degradation that he displays in his public appearances that now are available in YouTube videos is simply astonishing.

          Actually Professor Wendy Brown touched the mechanics of this slick propaganda campaign in her book "Undoing the Demos". From Amazon:

          === Start of quote ===
          Neoliberal rationality -- ubiquitous today in statecraft and the workplace, in jurisprudence, education, and culture -- remakes everything and everyone in the image of homo oeconomicus. What happens when this rationality transposes the constituent elements of democracy into an economic register? In Undoing the Demos, Wendy Brown explains how democracy itself is imperiled. The demos disintegrates into bits of human capital; concerns with justice bow to the mandates of growth rates, credit ratings, and investment climates; liberty submits to the imperative of human capital appreciation; equality dissolves into market competition; and popular sovereignty grows incoherent. Liberal democratic practices may not survive these transformations. Radical democratic dreams may not either.

          In an original and compelling argument, Brown explains how and why neoliberal reason undoes the political form and political imaginary it falsely promises to secure and reinvigorate. Through meticulous analyses of neoliberalized law, political practices, governance, and education, she charts the new common sense. Undoing the Demos makes clear that for democracy to have a future, it must become an object of struggle and rethinking.

          [Nov 13, 2015] When Economics Works and When it Doesn't

          Notable quotes:
          "... model one under which the efficient markets hypothesis is correct-and that's a model where there are a number of critical assumptions: one is rationality (we rule out behavioral aspects like bandwagons, excessive optimism and so on); second, we rule out externalities and agency problems ..."
          "... to liberalize as many markets as possible and to make regulation as light as possible. In the run-up to the financial crisis, if you'd looked at the steady increase in house prices or the growth of the shadow banking system from the perspective of the efficient markets hypothesis, they wouldn't have bothered you at all. You'd tell a story about how wonderful financial liberalization and innovation are-so many people, who didn't have access before to mortgages, were now able to afford houses; here was a supreme example of free markets providing social benefits. ..."
          "... But if you took the same [set of] facts, and applied the kind of models that people who had been looking at sovereign debt crises in emerging markets had been developing-boom and bust cycles, behavioral biases, agency problems, externalities, too-big-to-fail problems-if you applied those tools to the same facts, you'd get a very different kind of story. ..."
          "... "efficient markets hypothesis": ..."
          "... tendency in the policy world to liberalise as many markets as possible and to make regulation as light as possible ..."
          Economist's View

          Part of an interview of Dani Rodrik:

          Q. You give a couple of examples in the book of the way theoretical errors can lead to policy errors. The first example you give concerns the "efficient markets hypothesis". What role did an overestimation of the scope and explanatory power of that hypothesis play in the run-up to the global financial crisis of 2007-08?

          A. If we take as our central model one under which the efficient markets hypothesis is correct-and that's a model where there are a number of critical assumptions: one is rationality (we rule out behavioral aspects like bandwagons, excessive optimism and so on); second, we rule out externalities and agency problems-there's a natural tendency in the policy world to liberalize as many markets as possible and to make regulation as light as possible. In the run-up to the financial crisis, if you'd looked at the steady increase in house prices or the growth of the shadow banking system from the perspective of the efficient markets hypothesis, they wouldn't have bothered you at all. You'd tell a story about how wonderful financial liberalization and innovation are-so many people, who didn't have access before to mortgages, were now able to afford houses; here was a supreme example of free markets providing social benefits.

          But if you took the same [set of] facts, and applied the kind of models that people who had been looking at sovereign debt crises in emerging markets had been developing-boom and bust cycles, behavioral biases, agency problems, externalities, too-big-to-fail problems-if you applied those tools to the same facts, you'd get a very different kind of story. I wish we'd put greater weight on stories of the second kind rather than the first. We'd have been better off if we'd done so.

          djb said...

          "efficient markets hypothesis": magical thinking

          Jerry Brown said...

          I can't get that link to open. Dani Rodrik says "there is a natural tendency in the policy world to liberalise as many markets as possible and to make regulation as light as possible". Is that in general? Or is that a part of the efficient market hypothesis?

          [Nov 13, 2015] Dani Rodrik when economics works and when it doesn't

          Notable quotes:
          "... There's a certain fetishism that comes along with the use of math. And that shows up in two ways: one is that arguments which are relatively straightforward, that can be put in a directly literary form, we feel we have mathematise them. Sometimes, there's undue mathematisation or formalisation. We get so enamoured of the math that the mathematical structure of models becomes an object of analysis. And that's one of the problems with economic theory-that it often becomes applied mathematics, where the point is the mathematical properties of the models. And so it becomes more and more peripheral to what economics should be about, which is to look at social phenomena. But there's a much better appreciation today of the role and also the limits of math in economics than there was 30 years ago. ..."
          "... it has squeezed out the space for mindless, abstract theorising or modelling for the sake of modelling. ..."
          "... Models are stylised abstractions that lay bare the relationship between cause and effect. I liken [models] to lab experiments. When you conduct an experiment in a lab, you're trying to isolate the thing you're looking at. ..."
          "... As long as we don't forget that [the model we're using] is a model, not the model. An immediate implication of what I just said, of the way I defined the usefulness of the model, is that the model captures only one of many different causal effects. And it's going to be most useful when we apply it to a real world setting where, in some sense, that causal effect is the dominant one. But [we should not] forget that there will be other settings where other causal effects or other models are more relevant. ..."
          "... model one under which the efficient markets hypothesis is correct-and that's a model where there are a number of critical assumptions: one is rationality (we rule out behavioural aspects like bandwagons, excessive optimism and so on); second, we rule out externalities and agency problems-there's a natural tendency in the policy world to liberalise as many markets as possible and to make regulation as light as possible. In the run-up to the financial crisis, if you'd looked at the steady increase in house prices or the growth of the shadow banking system from the perspective of the efficient markets hypothesis, they wouldn't have bothered you at all. You'd tell a story about how wonderful financial liberalisation and innovation are-so many people, who didn't have access before to mortgages, were now able to afford houses; here was a supreme example of free markets providing social benefits. ..."
          Nov 13, 2015 | Prospect Magazine
          The economist Dani Rodrik, a professor at Harvard, recently spent a couple of years at Princeton's Institute for Advanced Study. In his new book, "Economics Rules: Why Economics Works, When it Fails, and How to Tell the Difference," he recalls just what a "mind-stretching experience" that sojourn was. He found that many of the visitors to the Institute's School of Social Sciences, prominent academics from other disciplines, harboured a deep "suspicion toward economists." Those visitors seemed to believe, he writes, that "economists either stated the obvious or greatly overreached by applying simple frameworks to complex social phenomena." It felt, Rodrik says, as if economists were being cast as the "idiots savants of social science: good with math and statistics, but not much use otherwise."

          Part of the problem, Rodrik thinks, is "misinformation" about what it is economists do, exactly. "Economics Rules" is in part, therefore, an attempt to set the record straight-and to rebut some fairly widespread criticisms of economics in the process. But it's also aimed at his colleagues in the economics profession, who he thinks have made a sorry fist of "presenting their science to the world." When I spoke to him on the phone from the United States this week, I asked about that assumption he'd encountered at Princeton-that economists are "good with math and statistics" and not much else.

          DR: Often we take it [mathematics] too far. There's a certain fetishism that comes along with the use of math. And that shows up in two ways: one is that arguments which are relatively straightforward, that can be put in a directly literary form, we feel we have mathematise them. Sometimes, there's undue mathematisation or formalisation. We get so enamoured of the math that the mathematical structure of models becomes an object of analysis. And that's one of the problems with economic theory-that it often becomes applied mathematics, where the point is the mathematical properties of the models. And so it becomes more and more peripheral to what economics should be about, which is to look at social phenomena. But there's a much better appreciation today of the role and also the limits of math in economics than there was 30 years ago.

          JD: Right. You say in the book that one of the most significant developments in economics over the past three decades or so has been the increasingly widespread use of empirical methods.

          Yes, that has definitely been a [sign of] great progress and has forced us to be much more grounded. And it has squeezed out the space for mindless, abstract theorising or modelling for the sake of modelling. But there's a tendency in parts of the profession [today] to believe that if you're just doing empirical work, then you can do away with theory or with thinking about the models that lie behind the particular empirical application. The point that is important to realise-and I'm not sure if I make this sufficiently strongly in the book itself-is that it's impossible to interpret any empirical evidence without either an implicit or, better still, an explicit model behind it. So every time we make a causal assertion about the real world using data we are implicitly using a model.

          The idea of the economic model is one of the central concepts in the book. Where does the explanatory power of economic models come from?

          Models are stylised abstractions that lay bare the relationship between cause and effect. I liken [models] to lab experiments. When you conduct an experiment in a lab, you're trying to isolate the thing you're looking at.

          You draw an interesting comparison between models and fables. You say that models, like fables, leave out or abstract from certain aspects of the world as it is. And that, in your view, is a strength, a feature, as you put it, rather than a bug.

          As long as we don't forget that [the model we're using] is a model, not the model. An immediate implication of what I just said, of the way I defined the usefulness of the model, is that the model captures only one of many different causal effects. And it's going to be most useful when we apply it to a real world setting where, in some sense, that causal effect is the dominant one. But [we should not] forget that there will be other settings where other causal effects or other models are more relevant.

          A charge often made against economics, and which you try to rebut in the book, is that many of its assumptions, particularly about the rationality of economic actors, are unrealistic. To what extent does behavioural economics, which injects the insights of psychology into formal economic modelling, take that kind of criticism for granted? Or, to put it another way, does behavioural economics overturn or invalidate what you call the "garden-variety perfectly competitive market model"?

          Yes, but it's only the latest a stream of models that have all had the effect of overturning the central implication of the perfectly competitive model. We've known since the 19th century that a market with a few firms would not produce the efficiency consequences of the perfectly competitive model. Then, of course, in the 1970s there was the imperfect competition revolution, where it turns out that, in the presence of asymmetric information, all kinds of consequences follow. So the behavioural revolution isn't new in the sense of generating results that overturn the basic implications of the perfectly competitive model. It's new in that it directly removes an assumption that had been at the core of neoclassical theorising-the notion of individual rationality.

          There's a tendency now to interpret the behavioural models as implying that we can now forget about "rational man," that we can forget about all these optimising frameworks. And again I think that's wrong. There are going to be settings in which the behavioural model provides important insights. But it would be wrong to discard models in which rational behaviour plays an important role. The trick is to know when to apply a behavioural approach and when to apply a rational approach.

          You have a chapter entitled "When Economists Go Wrong" in which you argue that economists' biggest mistake concerns the claims they often make for the general validity of certain assumptions and models. The danger, in other words, is that of confusing a model with the model.

          Right. In policy, that's where we fall on our faces repeatedly. When we are called on for policy advice our biggest mistake is not drawing the links between the critical assumptions of a model and the real world context with the same kind of rigour and systematic thinking that we exercise when we're operating within a model.

          You give a couple of examples in the book of the way theoretical errors can lead to policy errors. The first example you give concerns the "efficient markets hypothesis". What role did an overestimation of the scope and explanatory power of that hypothesis play in the run-up to the global financial crisis of 2007-08?

          If we take as our central model one under which the efficient markets hypothesis is correct-and that's a model where there are a number of critical assumptions: one is rationality (we rule out behavioural aspects like bandwagons, excessive optimism and so on); second, we rule out externalities and agency problems-there's a natural tendency in the policy world to liberalise as many markets as possible and to make regulation as light as possible. In the run-up to the financial crisis, if you'd looked at the steady increase in house prices or the growth of the shadow banking system from the perspective of the efficient markets hypothesis, they wouldn't have bothered you at all. You'd tell a story about how wonderful financial liberalisation and innovation are-so many people, who didn't have access before to mortgages, were now able to afford houses; here was a supreme example of free markets providing social benefits.

          But if you took the same [set of] facts, and applied the kind of models that people who had been looking at sovereign debt crises in emerging markets had been developing-boom and bust cycles, behavioural biases, agency problems, externalities, too-big-to-fail problems-if you applied those tools to the same facts, you'd get a very different kind of story. I wish we'd put greater weight on stories of the second kind rather than the first. We'd have been better off if we'd done so.

          You also have a chapter on "Economics and Its Critics". To what extent does your point about economists' tendency to overestimate the scope and power of their models neutralise some fairly common criticisms of the discipline made by non-economists? Your point being, as I understand it, that the problem is not so much with the models themselves as with economists' expectations of what those models will yield.

          What I'm claiming is that if economists were actually truer to their discipline and were to project their discipline to the rest of the world as a collection of models, to a large extent it would help neutralise the criticism that economists are [wedded to] one model in particular. You don't get a reputation as a successful researcher by demonstrating that Adam Smith was right! You get a reputation by showing that there are very circumstances in which he might have been wrong. But this richness, this willingness to countenance non-free-market outcomes, is somehow rarely revealed to the outside world.

          Dani Rodrik's "Economics Rules: Why Economics Works, When It Fails, And How to Tell the Difference" is published by Oxford University Press (£16.99)

          [Nov 12, 2015] Trickle Down, Starve the Beast, Supply-Side, and Sound Money Fantasies

          Notable quotes:
          "... STUDY: During the past three years, members of the Standard Poor's 500 Index have spent more than $1.5 trillion buying back stock ... US companies issued stock equal to $1.2 trillion last year. All told the new issues in 2014 exceeded share buybacks ... The conclusion is that what looks like buybacks are actually thinly veiled management-compensation plans. ..."
          "... Looser monetary policy increases the value of existing assets but reduces the return on assets. So the impact it has on inequality is to increase it in the short run, but in the long run the first order* impact is zero. ..."
          "... I doubt that trickle down, starve the beast, supply-side, sound money fantasies are really economics at all. They look now more like the supportive myths of a new, much more hierarchical social order. As such, they should be seen as modern equivalents of the Divine Right royal myth of the Ancien Regime, or even the claim of Dark Age warlords to be descendants of Woden. ..."
          Economist's View

          JohnH said in reply to djb...

          Tim Canova on trickle down monetary policy:

          "Ben Bernanke, the Federal Reserve chairman when the QE programs were first launched, claimed that asset purchases would have a "wealth effect": by the Fed purchasing bonds in such large amounts, bond prices would rise, yields would fall, and investors would shift into riskier securities, driving up the price of corporate shares and stock markets. Everyone would feel richer, businesses would invest and consumers would spend more. This seems much like the theory of "trickle-down" fiscal policy: that tax cuts for those with high incomes would be invested, thereby leading to the hiring of additional workers and spreading the benefits to the rest of the economy. But like the Bush administration's tax cuts, the Fed's monetary trickle-down has not worked so well. The Fed's lending and asset purchase programs have effectively propped up Wall Street interests -- big banks and financial markets -- but they have also neglected the needs of Main Street, including the small community banks, small and moderate sized and family-owned businesses, unemployed and underemployed workers, and state and local governments."
          https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/who-runs-federal-reserve-2008-crash

          Canova is one of the nationally renowned economists who advised Bernie Sanders on the Fed, and actually got the Fed audited, exposing apparent conflicts of interest with Wall Street.
          http://www.sanders.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/top-economists-to-advise-sanders-on-fed-reform

          What's amazing: 'liberals' can see trickle down when it comes to tax cuts but not in monetary policy. They march in lock step with Wall Street when it comes to monetary policy...which has barely trickled down at all after seven years.

          Bud Meyers said...

          Bloomberg (November 2015)

          STUDY: "During the past three years, members of the Standard & Poor's 500 Index have spent more than $1.5 trillion buying back stock ... US companies issued stock equal to $1.2 trillion last year. All told the new issues in 2014 exceeded share buybacks ... The conclusion is that what looks like buybacks are actually thinly veiled management-compensation plans."

          http://www.bloombergview.com/articles/2015-11-11/why-corporate-management-loves-share-buybacks

          Bernie! Bernie! Bernie!
          https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6_L5e0fIkQ8

          sanjait said...

          It's apparently impossible for most to understand this ... but the most accurate way to describe the first order distributional impact of looser monetary policy would be to say:

          Looser monetary policy increases the value of existing assets but reduces the return on assets. So the impact it has on inequality is to increase it in the short run, but in the long run the first order* impact is zero.

          *Of course, second order impacts are important here. But if we're counting those, we should probably keep in mind the dynamics of the given situation, and the fact that workers in no way benefit from letting the economy slide into depression.

          Peter K. said...

          WSJ:

          "It's also notable that nearly all of the GOP candidates identify the Federal Reserve's post-crisis monetary policy as a source of rising inequality "

          I find it hard to believe that the Wall Street Journal or the GOP candidates actually think rising inequality is a bad thing.

          gordon said...

          I doubt that "trickle down, starve the beast, supply-side, sound money fantasies" are really economics at all. They look now more like the supportive myths of a new, much more hierarchical social order. As such, they should be seen as modern equivalents of the Divine Right royal myth of the Ancien Regime, or even the claim of Dark Age warlords to be descendants of Woden.

          [Nov 04, 2015] Do Economists Promote Ideology as Science?

          Notable quotes:
          "... Is economics, as some assert, little more than a means of dressing up ideological arguments in scientific clothing? ..."
          "... This certainly happens, especially among economists connected to politically driven think tanks – places like the Heritage Foundation come to mind. Economists who work for businesses also have a tendency to present evidence more like a lawyer advocating a particular position than a scientist trying to find out how the economy really works. ..."
          "... No - we dont allow MDs to prescribe or treat on the basis of theory alone. Its unethical for any professional practitioner to give advice that is not supported by compelling evidence demonstrating that the advise is both safe and effective - First, do no harm. ..."
          "... To a man, professional economists shill for the view that they are morally free to treat real economies and real people as their personal lab rats. As a group, economists are an ethically challenged bunch in this respect, and probably in other respects too. ..."
          "... The rich plutocrats have a major stake in advocating very specific narratives, so they will throw large sums behind those narratives (and the fight against anything conflicting with them). ..."
          "... What sort of opinions are economists allowed to have if they want tenure, want to be published in the major journals or want to make a living? ..."
          "... Keynes concluded that government direction was necessary for a viable economy. Keynes interpreters in the US buried that idea, and thus became very important economists - guys like Paul Samuelson. The first ( and only) US book to faithfully represent Keynes ideas faded away soon after publication: http://news.stanford.edu/pr/93/931011Arc3112.html ..."
          "... It is impossible to talk about economics without making essentially ideological distinctions. Private property and wage labor are not natural categories. Their adequacy as human practices therefore needs to be either defended or criticized. To simply take them as given is an ideological waffle that begs THE question. ..."
          "... Economists thus SHOULD have, acknowledge and fully disclose their ideological biases. When evaluating evidence they should make every effort to set aside and overcome their biases. And they need to stay humble about how Sisyphean, incongruous and incomplete their attempts at objectivity are. ..."
          "... And so - though we proceed slowly because of our ideologies, we might not proceed at all without them. - Joseph Schumpeter ..."
          Nov 03, 2015 | Economist's View

          My latest column:

          Do Economists Promote Ideology as Science?: Which is more important in determining the policy positions of economists, ideology or evidence? Is economics, as some assert, little more than a means of dressing up ideological arguments in scientific clothing?
          This certainly happens, especially among economists connected to politically driven think tanks – places like the Heritage Foundation come to mind. Economists who work for businesses also have a tendency to present evidence more like a lawyer advocating a particular position than a scientist trying to find out how the economy really works.

          But what about academic economists who are supposed to be searching for the truth no matter the political implications? Can we detect the same degree of bias in their research and policy positions? ...

          rayward said...

          Thoma's assessment seems fair enough. I'd make the point that, for some academic economists, no amount of evidence is sufficient to overcome their bias. "Where's the proof" is the refrain one hears often. And then there's the question: what is evidence? The availability of lots of data is often used to "prove" this or that theory, even when the "proof" is contrary to the historical evidence one can see with her own eyes. Data used as obfuscation rather than clarification. I appreciate that one historical event following another historical event does not prove causation, but what's better proof than history.

          RogerFox said...

          "Shouldn't theory be a guide when the empirical evidence is unconvincing one way or the other?"

          No - we don't allow MDs to prescribe or treat on the basis of theory alone. It's unethical for any professional practitioner to give advice that is not supported by compelling evidence demonstrating that the advise is both safe and effective - 'First, do no harm.'

          To a man, professional economists shill for the view that they are morally free to treat real economies and real people as their personal lab rats. As a group, economists are an ethically challenged bunch in this respect, and probably in other respects too.

          DeDude said...

          Economics as a science is mainly hurt by two things.

          1. The rich plutocrats have a major stake in advocating very specific narratives, so they will throw large sums behind those narratives (and the fight against anything conflicting with them).
          2. Economics does not have anything resembling the double blind placebo controlled trials that help medicine fight off the narratives of those with money and power.
          RGC said...

          What sort of opinions are economists allowed to have if they want tenure, want to be published in the major journals or want to make a living?

          Keynes concluded that government direction was necessary for a viable economy. Keynes' "interpreters" in the US buried that idea, and thus became very important economists - guys like Paul Samuelson. The first ( and only) US book to faithfully represent Keynes' ideas faded away soon after publication: http://news.stanford.edu/pr/93/931011Arc3112.html

          pete said...

          I did not know there was a debate. Krugman summed it all up in Peddling Prosperity. Folks know who pays the rent, and opine accordingly.

          Syaloch said...

          I think problems arise when economists are called upon by politicians or the media to give expert advice.

          Within the sciences, "We don't know the answer to that" is a perfectly acceptable response, and in scientific fields where the stakes are low that response is generally accepted by the public as well. "What is dark matter made of?" "We don't know yet, but we're working on it." But in politics, where the stakes are higher, not having a definitive answer is viewed as a sign of weakness. How often do you hear a politician responding to a "gotcha" question admit that they don't know the answer rather than trying to BS their way through?

          Given the timeliness of news coverage the media prefer to consult experts who offer definitive answers, especially given their preference for pro/con type interviews which require experts on both sides of an issue. Economists who are put on the spot this way feel pressured to ditch the error bars and give unambiguous answers, even answers based purely on theory with little to no empirical backing, and the more often they do this the more often they're invited back.

          Sandwichman said...

          It is impossible to talk about economics without making essentially ideological distinctions. Private property and wage labor are not "natural" categories. Their adequacy as human practices therefore needs to be either defended or criticized. To simply take them "as given" is an ideological waffle that begs THE question.

          Economists thus SHOULD have, acknowledge and fully disclose their ideological biases. When evaluating evidence they should make every effort to set aside and overcome their biases. And they need to stay humble about how Sisyphean, incongruous and incomplete their attempts at objectivity are.

          Let's not forget that "The End of Ideology" was a polemical tract aimed at designating the ideology of the managers and symbol manipulators "above" and beyond ideology. Similarly, Marx's brilliant critique of ideology degenerated into polemic as its practitioners adopted the mantle of "science."

          anne said in reply to Sandwichman...

          Really excellent, and why I am immediately wary of self-described "technocrats."

          anne said in reply to Sandwichman...

          https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_End_of_Ideology

          The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties is a collection of essays published in 1960 by Daniel Bell, who described himself as a "socialist in economics, a liberal in politics, and a conservative in culture". He suggests that the older, grand-humanistic ideologies derived from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had been exhausted, and that new, more parochial ideologies would soon arise. He argues that political ideology has become irrelevant among "sensible" people, and that the polity of the future would be driven by piecemeal technological adjustments of the extant system.

          anne said in reply to Sandwichman...

          What precisely is "Marx's critique of ideology ?"

          Sandwichman said in reply to anne...

          A very big question! Like "what is the meaning of life?" At least a semester-long upper division seminar course. ;-)

          In a nutshell (to put it crudely), Marx labelled as ideologists a cohort of German followers of Hegel's philosophy who envisioned historical progress as the result of the progressive refinement of intellectual ideas. Marx argued instead that historical change resulted from struggle between social classes over the material conditions of life, fundamental to which was the transformation of nature through human intervention into means of subsistence.

          anne said in reply to Sandwichman...

          Marx labelled as ideologists a cohort of German followers of Hegel's philosophy who envisioned historical progress as the result of the progressive refinement of intellectual ideas. Marx argued instead that historical change resulted from struggle between social classes over the material conditions of life, fundamental to which was the transformation of nature through human intervention into means of subsistence.

          [ What a superb introductory or summary explanation. I could not be more impressed or grateful. ]

          DrDick said in reply to Sandwichman...

          Well said. I would add "markets" to that list of relatively recent cultural constructs that needs greater scrutiny.

          Chuck said...

          "And so - though we proceed slowly because of our ideologies, we might not proceed at all without them." - Joseph Schumpeter, "Science and Ideology," The American Economic Review 39:2 (March 1949), at 359
          http://www.jstor.org/stable/1812737

          Sandwichman said in reply to Chuck...

          Indeed.

          Ignacio said...

          Many guys are not driven by ideology, rather than evidence. The problem with this article is that we cannot compare with other professions and say "economists are more/less prone to promote ideology than the average".

          DrDick said in reply to Ignacio...

          All human endeavors are shaped by "ideology" in many different ways. What is important is to be aware of and explicit about their influences on our thought and action.

          RC AKA Darryl, Ron said in reply to RC AKA Darryl, Ron...

          If there are two sides to an argument that radically disagree then it is possible that both sides may be ideology, but both sides cannot be science. Only the correct argument can be science. Of course ideology is a bit too kind of a word since the incorrect argument is actually just a con game by people out to lay claim on greater unearned wealth.

          ken melvin said...

          Economists seem content with trying to figure out how to make 'it' work. Far better, I think, to try and figure out how it should be.

          It was philosophers such as Hume, Locke, Marx, Smith, Rawls, ... who asked the right questions. Laws and economics come down to us according to how we think about such things; they change when we change the way we think. Seems we're in a bit of a philosophical dry patch, here. Someday, we will have to develop a better economic system, might be now. Likewise, there are laws rooted in antiquity that were wrong then and are wrong still.

          RC AKA Darryl, Ron said in reply to ken melvin...

          Exactly! They all know what they are doing. Some of them are just trying to do the wrong thing.

          Arne said...

          "Ideology certainly influences which questions academic researchers believe are the most important, but there is nothing wrong with that."

          No "experiment" in economics comes with the degree of control that experiments in physical sciences take for granted, so there is tremendous room for ideology to come into the discussion of whether a data set really represents the conditions the model is supposed to consider. Since reviewing another economist's study entails asking questions those questions...

          DrDick said in reply to Arne...

          Please describe the "experimentation" which takes place in astronomy and geology. Ideologies also play important roles in experimental sciences, such as biology (for which we have a lot of evidence.

          [Nov 02, 2015] Frankenstein capitalism is sucking the life from Americas soul by Paul B. Farrell

          Another nickname for neoliberalism ;-)
          Notable quotes:
          "... They assume infinite growth of resources and opportunities for profits, income and wealth. Ad infinitum. Though rich and brilliant, American capitalists have a childlike, irrational conviction that they can indefinitely produce, mine, grow, fish, dump and extract resources from the planet's limited supply, without ever paying a steep price or planning for the day the planet's resources are exhausted. Hence their bizarre opposition to all carbon pollution-taxation and regulation. ..."
          "... Stiglitz warns that today's zombies all have a definite conservative bias on political issues. Economic courses taught at Harvard, for example, use a textbook written by a former member of President Bush's Council of Economic Advisors that pushes "a particular ideological view that markets work perfectly." ..."
          "... Today the "Atlas Shrugged" ideology of Ayn Rand is the core of Frankenstein economics, having replaced Adam Smith's original capitalism. It is now in a war to the death with liberalism. This extremism is now the conventional wisdom of conservative politicians: "When I say 'capitalism,' I mean a pure, uncontrolled, unregulated laissez-faire capitalism." It is "the only system that can make freedom, individuality, and the pursuit of values possible." Compromise is impossible. ..."
          "... Today Rand's ideology is not only deeply embedded in conservative economic thought, it has emerged as a conspiracy of a Super Rich elite and the political right, in a dangerous spiral repetition of the historical patterns Acemoglu and Robinson warn we are closing the door to America's future, setting up the collapse of our economy and our nation's failure. ..."
          Oct 31, 2015 | finance.yahoo.com

          ... ... ...

          Halloween once was the family favorite across America, loads of fun. But this year, it seems zombies, ghouls, vampires all de-materializing, draining all the bloody spirit out of Halloween. America's Frankenstein economy is in line with Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson predictions in "Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty": Nations grow. Wealth concentrates at the top. The elite manipulate to protect their wealth. They close doors that got them to the top. Economies collapse. Nations fail.

          This Halloween that same pattern is accelerating across America as wealth rapidly concentrates at the top, GDP growth keeps declining. This time, however, the door is also closing on entrenched zombie capitalists as the inequality gap widens. They are losing the battle to control government, threatening insiders, setting up revolutions. Here are seven signs of this classic pattern:

          1. Frankenstein economics is a mausoleum for trickle-down capitalism

          This theory that policies that help the rich get richer will "ultimately help everybody," has been with us a long time. Foreign Policy says it was coined by the great urban philosopher Will Rogers when he commented on Herbert Hoover's 1928 tax cuts: "The money was all appropriated for the top in the hopes that it would trickle down to the needy," but the president didn't "know that money trickles up."

          Since the presidency of Ronald Reagan, zombie capitalists have turned trickle-up into a flood. Forbes Global Billionaires list rocketed from 322 in 2000 to 1,826 in 2015. By 2099 Credit Suisse predicts 11 trillionaires. But for the rest of the world, capitalism is a cancer: A billion live on less than two dollars a day. And as global population explodes to 10 billion by 2050, the widening inequality gap will trigger revolutions, pandemics, starvation, an overheated planet. Trillionaires? Or GDP below 1% by 2099?

          2. Frankenstein economy is now America's new Invisible Hand

          Adam Smith was a moral philosopher, believed the Invisible Hand of a divine power would act to the benefit of all. Unfortunately, today's capitalists took away control of the Invisible Hand, transformed it into a blood-sucking vampire, into "mutant capitalism" as Jack Bogle calls it, an egocentric materialism with no moral compass that justifies America's obsession with celebrity power and personal wealth.

          Nobel Economist Joseph Stiglitz warned of this new "Frankenstein economy" mythology. Lacking any scientific proof of their own ideologies, insiders use computer technology, math and physics to justify their ideological biases, dismissing the economic impact of climate change, research on the predictably irrational, often evil behavior of all humans.

          As a result, today's capitalists often become climate deniers, ignore social issues, focusing instead on justifying the self-serving behavior of billionaires maximizing profits, accumulating massive wealth, dangerously widening the inequality gap. They pretend their myth-based economy works, even as they drain our GDP's soul of blood.

          3. Frankenstein capitalism is trapped in a Myth of Perpetual Growth

          Capitalism's Frankenstein economics is failing America: by relying on its core Myth of Perpetual Growth. They assume infinite growth of resources and opportunities for profits, income and wealth. Ad infinitum. Though rich and brilliant, American capitalists have a childlike, irrational conviction that they can indefinitely produce, mine, grow, fish, dump and extract resources from the planet's limited supply, without ever paying a steep price or planning for the day the planet's resources are exhausted. Hence their bizarre opposition to all carbon pollution-taxation and regulation.

          4. Frankenstein capitalists have short-term-thinking brains

          Wall Street bankers, corporate insiders, and other capitalists tend to focus on today's stock prices, quarterly earnings, annual bonuses. Most of these Frankenstein capitalists are alpha-males, aggressive short-term thinkers, says Jeremy Grantham, while America's next generation needs new leaders for 2050 with a "historical perspective." But unfortunately our leaders have grown into "an army of left-brained immediate doers" which "guarantees" they "will always to miss" the next big one.

          5. Frankenstein capitalism has a conservative GOP political bias

          Stiglitz warns that today's zombies all have a definite conservative bias on political issues. Economic courses taught at Harvard, for example, use a textbook written by a former member of President Bush's Council of Economic Advisors that pushes "a particular ideological view that markets work perfectly."

          Moreover, they tend to see environmental issues as liberal myths, and back GOP politicians committed to climate-science denialism. And yet, politically biased economic theories, whether conservative or liberal, are dangerous to America's future. Future leaders need to be flexible, open to compromise, making decisions on broader public policies, not, for example, locked on some rigid version of Adam Smith's theories. Time to bury that corpse.

          6. Frankenstein capitalism is accelerating disasters, famine, pandemics

          Flash forward: The planet is incapable of feeding the 10 billion people projected on Earth by 2050, warns Jeremy Grantham, whose firm manages over $120 billion. And yet, most economists today work for banks and businesses that ignore demographics, except as a source of consumer marketing data, trapped in a self-destructive climate-science-denial bubble.

          Snap out of it, reread "The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism." See why this kind of thinking will require a disaster of epic proportions, a World War III, worldwide famine or global pandemic to shock the Frankenstein capitalist mind-set, awaken their conscience, revive the original moral core of Adam Smith's economic soul.

          7. Frankenstein economy trapped between uncompromising ideologies

          Today the "Atlas Shrugged" ideology of Ayn Rand is the core of Frankenstein economics, having replaced Adam Smith's original capitalism. It is now in a war to the death with liberalism. This extremism is now the conventional wisdom of conservative politicians: "When I say 'capitalism,' I mean a pure, uncontrolled, unregulated laissez-faire capitalism." It is "the only system that can make freedom, individuality, and the pursuit of values possible." Compromise is impossible.

          Today Rand's ideology is not only deeply embedded in conservative economic thought, it has emerged as a conspiracy of a Super Rich elite and the political right, in a dangerous spiral repetition of the historical patterns Acemoglu and Robinson warn we are closing the door to America's future, setting up the collapse of our economy and our nation's failure.

          Happy Halloween, the good news is that this war will soon come to a predictably irrational end: By the 2020 presidential election when Clinton is reelected. By then the GOP will have been looking at 16 long years out of the presidency.

          Plus by 2020, the grim realities of global warming will force Big Oil and the worldwide fossil-fuel industry to wake up and accept the need for controlling global warming. And finally, that will break the conspiracy trapping GOP politicians like Donald Trump, Sen. Ted Cruz, Sen. Marco Rubio, and even Sen. James Inhofe in the mythic greed of climate-science denialism.

          Now isn't that a truly scary thought for Frankenstein capitalists on this wonderful Happy Halloween?

          Paul B. Farrell is a MarketWatch columnist based in San Luis Obispo, Calif. Follow him on Twitter @MKTWFarrell.

          [Oct 19, 2015] Is Money Corrupting Research?

          Notable quotes:
          "... Of course, the Cato Institute, Heritage, and Team Republican economists are proud that their opinions are bought and paid for. ..."
          "... Most (all?) academic types are keenly aware of the importance of grantsmanship as a basic skill. Knowing the appropriate funding sources and, in some cases, the interests and biases of funding sources, is stock in trade. Scientific research has become so capital intensive that large grants from government and large foundations are necessary to carry it out. For the most part, the biases of the granting institutions are known and discounted. ..."
          economistsview.typepad.com
          Luigi Zingales:
          Is Money Corrupting Research?: The integrity of research and expert opinions in Washington came into question last week, prompting the resignation of Robert Litan ... from his position as a nonresident fellow at the Brookings Institution.

          Senator Elizabeth Warren raised the issue of a conflict of interest in Mr. Litan's testimony before a Senate committee... Senator Warren was herself criticized by economists and pundits, on the left and right. ... But at stake is the integrity of the research process and the trust the nation puts in experts, who advise governments and testify in Congress. Our opinions shape government policy and judicial decisions. Even when we are paid to testify..., integrity is expected from us. ...

          Yet it is disingenuous for anybody (especially an economist) to believe that reputational incentives do not matter. Had the conclusions not pleased the Capital Group, it would probably have found a more compliant expert. And the reputation of not being "cooperative" would have haunted Mr. Litan's career as a consultant. ...

          Reputational ... concerns do not work as well with sealed expert-witness testimony or paid-for policy papers that circulate only in small policy groups. ... A scarier possibility is that reputational incentives do not work because the practice of bending an opinion for money is so widespread as to be the norm. ...

          He goes on to suggest some steps to strengthen the reputational incentive.

          pgl said in reply to Larry...

          "Businesses sometimes finance policy research much as advocacy groups or other interests do," the economists wrote. "A reader can question the source of the financing on all sides, but ultimately the quality of the work and the integrity of the author are paramount." They praised Litan's quality and integrity as having been "impeccable over a career of four decades."

          The fact of the matter is that funding comes from all sorts of places. One should always disclose the sourcing of funding and then let one's writings stand scrutiny.

          Of course, the Cato Institute, Heritage, and Team Republican economists are proud that their "opinions" are bought and paid for.

          anne said in reply to Larry...
          http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/09/30/us-brookings-warren-resignation-idUSKCN0RU00B20150930

          September 29, 2015

          Brookings fellow resigns after Senator Warren accuses him of conflicts
          By SARAH N. LYNCH - Reuters

          WASHINGTON

          A prominent Brookings Institution fellow resigned on Tuesday, after Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren accused him of failing to fully disclose industry funding tied to a study that criticized the U.S. Labor Department's plan to regulate brokerages.

          The resignation of Robert Litan came just one day after Warren, a Democrat, sent Brookings' president a letter demanding to know more about the think tank's policies on financial conflicts and details about the communications between Litan and Capital Group, an investment firm that funded his research paper.

          "He has acknowledged that he made a mistake in not following Brookings regulations designed to uphold the independence of the institution," Brookings President Strobe Talbott said in a statement provided to Reuters.

          Warren's concerns center a study that Litan and researcher Hal Singer jointly conducted which examined a controversial plan by the Labor Department to try and rein in conflicts posed by brokers who offer retirement advice.

          The proposal has garnered fierce opposition from Wall Street, and Litan's study concluded that the plan could harm consumers.

          Litan testified about the study's findings in a July hearing before a U.S. Senate panel, in which he represented himself as a fellow at Brookings.

          The study was conducted by Litan and Singer in their capacity as staffers for Economists, Inc., a consulting firm.

          Although his testimony and his study did disclose that Capital Group provided funding, Warren said that she later learned this was not the full story.

          In a series of follow-up questions Warren sent to Litan after the hearing, she said he disclosed that Capital Group also provided feedback and editorial comments on a draft.

          This, she said, ran counter to his claim at the hearing that he and Singer were "solely responsible" for the study's conclusions.

          In addition, he disclosed that Capital Group had paid Economists Inc $85,000 for the study, and his share was $38,800.

          In her letter to Brookings, Warren said the lack of disclosure raises "significant questions about the impartiality of the study and its conclusions."

          Litan, a former top official in the Clinton administration, did not respond to an email seeking comment.

          He is a well-known economics expert in Washington who has authored or co-authored over 25 books.

          "We greatly appreciate all the good work Bob has done for Brookings over the 40-plus years he has been connected to this institution," Talbott said.

          mulp said in reply to Larry...
          What did Brookings do to Litan???

          According to Reuters, he failed to disclose his relationships when presenting his report and when testifying, and seems to have lied:

          "Although his testimony and his study did disclose that Capital Group provided funding, Warren said that she later learned this was not the full story.

          "In a series of follow-up questions Warren sent to Litan after the hearing, she said he disclosed that Capital Group also provided feedback and editorial comments on a draft.

          "This, she said, ran counter to his claim at the hearing that he and Singer were "solely responsible" for the study's conclusions."

          Can I edit anything you write and claim as solely your own work? I want to have my point of view endorsed by a much larger group of writers, and the best way is for me to fix their writings.

          It was not Litan being paid that was the problem, but the fact he claimed the words written for him were his own as an "independent" authority.

          Second Best said...
          Money corrupts research as sure as the Pope is Catholic...
          greg said in reply to anne...
          Rumors of Thomas Malthus' irrelevance to humanity's future are greatly exaggerated.

          Consider instead: "Human and nature dynamics (HANDY): Modeling inequality and use of resources in the collapse or sustainability of societies"
          http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0921800914000615

          Authors: Safa Motesharreia, Jorge Rivasb, Eugenia Kalnayc

          This is the actual paper of the model, but do not be afraid. Here are the highlights:

          " HANDY is a 4-variable thought-experiment model for interaction of humans and nature.
          The focus is on predicting long-term behavior rather than short-term forecasting.
          Carrying Capacity is developed as a practical measure for forecasting collapses.
          A sustainable steady state is shown to be possible in different types of societies.
          But over-exploitation of either Labor or Nature results in a societal collapse."

          There are equations. And graphs. The concluding paragraph of the abstract:

          "The measure "Carrying Capacity" is developed and its estimation is shown to be a practical means for early detection of a collapse. Mechanisms leading to two types of collapses are discussed. The new dynamics of this model can also reproduce the irreversible collapses found in history. Collapse can be avoided, and population can reach a steady state at maximum carrying capacity if the rate of depletion of nature is reduced to a sustainable level and if resources are distributed equitably."

          This made the press about a year and a half ago, was commented on, but has since been ignored. Google "Handy Model" for popular presentations and critiques.

          You decide whether it should continue to be ignored, given the remarkable progress the world has made towards remedying inequality, conserving resources, and controlling population growth. (That's sarcasm.)

          reason said...

          There is another solution to this issue. Financing should never be direct to the researcher. That way there is a funding body (say a university) that decides who researches what, and the funding is channeled through them (through a public application process). If a firm is really interested in disinterested research, no problem.

          If it wants to control the research, they have a problem. Of course the whole funding body could be corrupted but if there is a public review process that can be minimised.

          cm said in reply to reason...

          It is more subtle than asking for or implying a preference for specific results. Regardless how the funding is distributed, except perhaps by lottery, there is the issue of "repeat business" or expert shopping (cherry-picking research organizations that are known to fall in a particular camp).

          Then there is the issue of fads - even in relatively apolitical tech science, funding and research flocks to certain hot topics, as people hunt for funding by trying to tie their proposal to the current hot topics. But then this is perhaps more a consequence of an already corrupted funding process that only supports R&D that conforms to current preconceived notions and business interests.


          bakho said...

          Money supports bias.

          RC AKA Darryl, Ron said...

          Money is power. Power corrupts.

          mrrunangun said...

          Most (all?) academic types are keenly aware of the importance of grantsmanship as a basic skill. Knowing the appropriate funding sources and, in some cases, the interests and biases of funding sources, is stock in trade. Scientific research has become so capital intensive that large grants from government and large foundations are necessary to carry it out. For the most part, the biases of the granting institutions are known and discounted.

          Even in science, when research into a controversial area has been ambiguous enough for sustained disagreement, it is common to find that a given research shop's work consistently comes down on one side of the controversy and another shop's work consistently on the opposing side of the controversy. In such cases, only people who follow the research in the area closely are likely to be aware of this. Usually time and technical improvements in measuring equipment puts controversies to rest, but the time is often measured in years. In these cases, the biases come from the leaders of the research shops rather than the grantors.

          There are politics among granting institutions as well. These are less often political biases and more often they are of a personal nature, and since the people on a granting committee are necessarily expert in the field that the grantee will be working in, they will often be personally acquainted with the grant applicants. Not uncommonly, former students of the members of the committee.

          Economics and long range climate science are necessarily model-based. Their short-term predictions are often proven wrong which casts doubt on the reliability of their long-term predictions. As a result, there may be legitimate differences of opinion as to the applicability of a particular model to a particular situation.

          In the case of Mr Litan, the fact that he acknowledged that his study was funded by Capital and that he was testifying on behalf of the industry announce his bias.

          GeorgeK said...

          Tainted research is the norm in most industries, research dollar come from corporations that expect their interest to be served. Currently Monsanto emails show how heavy handed this pay for research problem has become. ...""Professors/researchers/scientists have a big white hat in this debate and support in their states, from politicians to producers," Bill Mashek, a vice president at Ketchum, a public relations firm hired by the biotechnology industry, said in an email to a University of Florida professor. "Keep it up!"...

          http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/06/us/food-industry-enlisted-academics-in-gmo-lobbying-war-emails-show.html

          DeDude said...

          The antidote to this kind of crap is the public funded University with tenured professors and sufficient resources (endowed Chairs) to conduct research without need to go out and get external funding for a study. As the public funding is reduced in order to give tax cuts to the rich plutocrats such truly independent research become more rare -and the plutocrats increasingly manage to own the facts.

          [Oct 18, 2015] Everything You Need to Know about Laissez-Faire Economics -- Economist View discussion

          Alan Kirman is a great economist. Amazingly clear exposition of complex subjects.
          Notable quotes:
          "... I think what happened was on the one hand people became obsessed with proving there was some sort of socially satisfactory situation that corresponded to markets in equilibrium, and on the other hand, there was a lot of effort made, right up to the 1950s, to try to show that a market or an economy would converge on that. But we gave up on that in the 70s when there were results that showed that essentially we couldnt prove it. So the theoreticians gave up but the underlying economic content and all of the ideology behind it has just kept going. We are in a strange situation where on the one hand we say we should leave markets to themselves because if they operate correctly and we get to an equilibrium this will be a socially satisfactory state. ..."
          "... Nowadays, you hear all the time about how neoliberal ideology and thought is invading European countries and is undoing forms of governance that are actually working quite well. I work a lot in Norway and Scandinavia and there you hear all the time that Nordic model works and at the same time it is being corrupted by the neoliberal ideology, which is being spread in some sort of cancerous fashion. Please comment on that-Current neoliberalism. What justifies it? Is it spreading? Is that a good thing or a bad thing? Anything you would like to say on that topic. ..."
          "... The idea that anything even close to laissez faire ever exisited is silly ..."
          "... Laissez faire has never existed; it is code for when the govt allows the rich to trample the poor, and the govt actively sides with the rich ..."
          "... Too often, efficiency is modeled too simply, failing to capture important benefits. You may make widgets with fewer workers and more unemployed but at the loss of workforce training, most of which is on the job. ..."
          "... You can reduce unit labor costs, which usually means reducing wages. But that has all sorts of consequences, which are not perceived. ..."
          "... If industry is freed by reducing their investment in human capital, replacement investment in human capital must come from elsewhere in higher taxes on business to pay for training that may be less effective. Else workforce quality declines and becomes a drag on overall economic efficiency. ..."
          economistsview.typepad.com

          A few excerpts from a much longer interview of Alan Kirman (it was in yesterday's links)

          Everything You Need to Know about Laissez-Faire Economics: ... DSW: I'm so happy to talk with you about the concept of laissez faire, all the way back to its origin, which as I understand it is during the Enlightenment. ...

          AK: I think the basic story that really interests us is that with the Enlightenment and with people like Adam Smith and David Hume, people had this idea that somehow intrinsically people should be left to their own devices and this would lead society to a state that was satisfactory in some sense for everybody, with some limits of course–law and order and so on. That's the idea that is underlying our whole social and philosophical position ever since. ... I think what happened was on the one hand people became obsessed with proving there was some sort of socially satisfactory situation that corresponded to markets in equilibrium, and on the other hand, there was a lot of effort made, right up to the 1950's, to try to show that a market or an economy would converge on that. But we gave up on that in the 70's when there were results that showed that essentially we couldn't prove it. So the theoreticians gave up but the underlying economic content and all of the ideology behind it has just kept going. We are in a strange situation where on the one hand we say we should leave markets to themselves because if they operate correctly and we get to an equilibrium this will be a socially satisfactory state. On the other hand, since we can't show that it gets there, we talk about economies that are in equilibrium but that's a contradiction because the invisible hand suggests that there is a mechanism that gets us there. And that's what we're lacking–a mechanism. ...

          DSW: ...This has been a wonderful conversation, by the way. Nowadays, you hear all the time about how neoliberal ideology and thought is invading European countries and is undoing forms of governance that are actually working quite well. I work a lot in Norway and Scandinavia and there you hear all the time that Nordic model works and at the same time it is being corrupted by the neoliberal ideology, which is being spread in some sort of cancerous fashion. Please comment on that-Current neoliberalism. What justifies it? Is it spreading? Is that a good thing or a bad thing? Anything you would like to say on that topic.

          AK: I think that one obsession that economists have is with efficiency. We're always, always, worrying about efficiency. People like to say that this is efficient or not efficient. The argument is, we know that if you free up markets you get a more efficient allocation of resources. That obsession with efficiency has led us to say that we must remove some of these restraints and restrictions and this sort of social aid that is built into the Scandinavian model. I think that's without thinking carefully about the consequences. ...

          I think what has happened is, because of this mythology about totally free markets being efficient, we push for that all the time and in so doing, we started to do things like-for example, we hear all the time that we have to reform labor markets in Europe. Why do we want to reform them? Because then they'll be more competitive. You can reduce unit labor costs, which usually means reducing wages. But that has all sorts of consequences, which are not perceived. In model that is more complex, that sort of arrangement wouldn't necessarily be one that in your terms would be selected for. When you do that, you make many people temporary workers. You have complete ease in hiring and firing so that people are shifting jobs all the time. When they do that, we know that employers then invest nothing in their human capital. ... We're reducing the overall human capital in society by having an arrangement like that. ... Again, the idea that people who are out of work have chosen to be out of work and by giving them a social cushion you induce them to be out of work-that simply doesn't fit with the facts. I think that all the ramification of these measures-the side effects and external effects-all of that gets left out and we have this very simple framework that says "to be competitive, you just have to free everything up." That's what undermining the European system. European and Scandinavian systems work pretty well. ... The last remark I would make is that to say "you've got to get rid of all those rules and regulations you have"-in general, those rules and regulations are there for a reason. Again, to use an evolutionary argument, they didn't just appear, they got selected for. We put them in place because there was some problem, so just to remove them without thinking about why they are there doesn't make a lot of sense. ...

          DSW: There's no invisible hand to save the day.

          AK: (laughs). Joe Stiglitz used to say that we also need a visible hand. The visible hand is sometimes pretty useful. For example in the financial sector I think you really need a visible hand and not an invisible hand. ...

          e abrams said...

          The idea that anything even close to laissez faire ever exisited is silly

          at all stages, the gov't actively intervened in the economy; eg, look at the rules for labor unions....

          Laissez faire has never existed; it is code for when the gov't allows the rich to trample the poor, and the gov't actively sides with the rich

          bakho said...

          I enjoyed the interview with Kirman. Thanks for posting.

          Too often, efficiency is modeled too simply, failing to capture important benefits. You may make widgets with fewer workers and more unemployed but at the loss of workforce training, most of which is on the job. This is important:

          You can reduce unit labor costs, which usually means reducing wages. But that has all sorts of consequences, which are not perceived. In model that is more complex, that sort of arrangement wouldn't necessarily be one that in your terms would be selected for. When ... you make many people temporary workers.... so that people are shifting jobs all the time. ..employers then invest nothing in their human capital. ... We're reducing the overall human capital in society .. If you're working for ... all your lifetime, they probably invest quite a lot in you. ... it is a much more stable arrangement. .. the ramification of these measures-the side effects and external effects... gets left out and we have this very simple framework that says "to be competitive, you just have to free everything up."

          If industry is freed by reducing their investment in human capital, replacement investment in human capital must come from elsewhere in higher taxes on business to pay for training that may be less effective. Else workforce quality declines and becomes a drag on overall economic efficiency.

          [Oct 18, 2015] Alan Kirman interview: everything You Need to Know about Laissez-Faire Economics

          Notable quotes:
          "... That's the idea that is underlying our whole social and philosophical position ever since. Economics is trying to run along side that. Initially the idea was to let everybody do what they want and this would somehow self-organize. But nobody said what the mechanism was that would do the self-organization. John Stewart Mill advanced the same position. He had the idea that people had to be given, as far as their role would permit, the possibility of doing their own thing, and this would be in the interests of everybody. And gradually we came up against this difficulty that we couldn't show economically, in a market for example, how we would ever get to such a position. I think what happened was on the one hand people became obsessed with proving there was some sort of socially satisfactory situation that corresponded to markets in equilibrium, and on the other hand, there was a lot of effort made, right up to the 1950's, to try to show that a market or an economy would converge on that. But we gave up on that in the 70's when there were results that showed that essentially we couldn't prove it. So the theoreticians gave up but the underlying economic content and all of the ideology behind it has just kept going. We are in a strange situation where on the one hand we say we should leave markets to themselves because if they operate correctly and we get to an equilibrium this will be a socially satisfactory state. On the other hand, since we can't show that it gets there, we talk about economies that are in equilibrium but that's a contradiction because the invisible hand suggests that there is a mechanism that gets us there. And that's what we're lacking–a mechanism. Is that clear more or less? ..."
          "... Theory of Moral Sentiments ..."
          "... Nowadays, if you take a very primitive version of the invisible hand, people say something like "greed is good". Somehow, if everyone is greedy and tries to serve their own interest, it will get to a good position socially. Adam Smith didn't have that view at all. He had the view that people have other things in mind. For example he said that one of the strongest motivations men have is to be seen to be a good citizen and therefore would do things that would appear to other people to be good. If you have motivations like that then you can be altruistic and you're not behaving like the strict Homo economicus ..."
          "... Walras wasn't someone who pushed hard for laissez faire, but he started to build the weapons for trying to understand whether all markets could get into equilibrium. He wasn't so interested, himself, on whether the equilibrium was good for society; in other words, Adam Smith's original position. I would say that Walras was more a person who was worried about the very existence of equilibrium and he tried desperately at various points to show how we might get there. I don't think he was arguing in favor of laissez faire. I wouldn't regard Walras as being strictly in that tradition. ..."
          "... Pareto was concerned about the idea of the invisible hand himself. He said: "Look, what I want to show you is that the competitive equilibrium is a social optimum. He was the person to define what we now call a Pareto optimum, a situation in which you cannot make one person better off without making somebody else worse off-which is a pretty weak criterion, but still is a criterion for some sort of social efficiency. He was interested in the relationship between the two, so he brought us back on track to what I interpret as the invisible hand. Then, we can make a huge jump it you want to the first theorem of welfare of economics. That, mistakenly, is often referred to as the invisible hand theorem. But it is nothing about the invisible hand. It just says that if you are in a competitive equilibrium, then that will be a Pareto optimum, in the sense that I have just mentioned. You couldn't make someone better off without making someone else worse off. That's all it says. It does not say that if you leave a society alone it will get there, but thousands of people have interpreted it in that way. ..."
          "... He had a different position from Walras company and he wasn't very consistent in his views. According to Hayek, Walras said that nobody influences prices but take prices as given, and then somebody, not specified, adjusts them until they get to equilibrium. There is some mechanism out there. ..."
          "... The Road to Serfdom ..."
          "... He believed that people with little information of their own, like ants, would somehow collectively get it right. It was a very different view of the world than Walras. ..."
          "... he was a pioneer in two respects. First of all, he grasped the idea of self-organizing and decentralized processes-that the intelligence is in the system, not in any individual, and secondly cultural group selection, that the reason economic systems were like this is because of some past history of better systems replacing worse systems. The wisdom of the system was the product of cultural group selection, as we would put it today, and that we shouldn't question its wisdom by tampering with it. Is that a fair thing to say? ..."
          "... Yes, that's a fair thing to say and I think it is what Hayek believed. He didn't actually show how it would happen but you're absolutely right-I think that's what he believed and he thought tampering with this system would make it less perfect and work less well, so just leave it alone. I don't think he had in mind, strictly speaking, group-level selection, but that's clearly his idea. A system that works well will eventually come to outstrip other systems. That's why he was advising Thatcher. ..."
          "... He was much less naïve than Friedman. Friedman has a primitive natural selection argument that if firms aren't doing better than other firms they'll go bust and just die. That's a summary of Friedman's evolutionary argument! But Hayek is much more sophisticated-you're absolutely right. ..."
          "... Friedman and Hayek didn't see eye to eye at all, as I understand it. Hayek was actually very concerned that Friedman and other mathematical economists took over the Mont Pelerin Society, if I understand it correctly, but now let's put Friedman on center stage, and also the society as a whole and the creation of all the think tanks, which caused the society to become politically influential. ..."
          "... "Greed is Good" sounds so simplistic, but what all of this seems to do is to provide some moral justification for individuals or corporations to pursue their own interests with a clear conscience. It's a moral justification for "Greed is Good", despite all of the complexities and all of the mathematics-that's what it seems to come down to. Am I wrong about that? ..."
          "... Macroeconomic models are still all about equilibria, don't worry about how we got them, and their nice efficient properties, and so forth. They are nothing to do with distribution and nothing to do with disequilibrium. Two big strands of thought-Keynes and all the people who work on disequilibrium-they're just out of it. We're still working as if underlying all of this, greed-we don't want to call it greed, but something like greed-is good. ..."
          "... Nowadays, you hear all the time about how neoliberal ideology and thought is invading European countries and is undoing forms of governance that are actually working quite well. I work a lot in Norway and Scandinavia and there you hear all the time that Nordic model works and at the same time it is being corrupted by the neoliberal ideology, which is being spread in some sort of cancerous fashion. Please comment on that-Current neoliberalism. ..."
          "... We're always, always, worrying about efficiency. People like to say that this is efficient or not efficient. The argument is, we know that if you free up markets you get a more efficient allocation of resources. That obsession with efficiency has led us to say that we must remove some of these restraints and restrictions and this sort of social aid that is built into the Scandinavian model. I think that's without thinking carefully about the consequences. ..."
          "... just to make my position clear, the idea of no regulations is absurd. For a system that is basically well adapted to its environment, then most of its regulations are there for a reason, as you say, but one of the things that everyone needs to know about evolution is that a lot of junk accumulates. There is junk DNA and there is junk regulations. Not every regulation has a purpose just because it's there, and when it comes to adapting to the future, that's a matter of new regulations and picking the right one out of many that are wrong. The question would be, how do you create smart regulations? Knowing that you need regulations, how do you create smart ones? That's our challenge and the challenge of someone who appreciates complexity, as you do. How would you respond to that? ..."
          evonomics.com

          What you always wanted to know about the "let it be" philosophy

          I'll bet money that Alan Kirman is the only economist with animated ants running around his email signature. Highly regarded by mainstream economists, he is also a critic of equilibrium theory and proponent of new economic thinking that takes complex systems theory into account. It was my privilege to work with Alan and Germany's Ernst Strungmann Forum to organize a conference titled "Complexity and Evolution: A New Synthesis for Economics" that was held in February 2015 and will result in a volume published by the MIT press in 2016.

          After the conference was over, I sought Alan out to help me understand the complex history of laissez faire, the "let it be" philosophy that underlies mainstream economic theory and public policy.

          DSW: I'm so happy to talk with you about the concept of laissez faire, all the way back to its origin, which as I understand it is during the Enlightenment. Then we can bring it up to date with some of its formalized versions in economic theory. Tell me what you know about the early history of laissez faire.

          AK: I think the basic story that really interests us is that with the Enlightenment and with people like Adam Smith and David Hume, people had this idea that somehow intrinsically people should be left to their own devices and this would lead society to a state that was satisfactory in some sense for everybody, with some limits of course–law and order and so on. That's the idea that is underlying our whole social and philosophical position ever since. Economics is trying to run along side that. Initially the idea was to let everybody do what they want and this would somehow self-organize. But nobody said what the mechanism was that would do the self-organization. John Stewart Mill advanced the same position. He had the idea that people had to be given, as far as their role would permit, the possibility of doing their own thing, and this would be in the interests of everybody. And gradually we came up against this difficulty that we couldn't show economically, in a market for example, how we would ever get to such a position. I think what happened was on the one hand people became obsessed with proving there was some sort of socially satisfactory situation that corresponded to markets in equilibrium, and on the other hand, there was a lot of effort made, right up to the 1950's, to try to show that a market or an economy would converge on that. But we gave up on that in the 70's when there were results that showed that essentially we couldn't prove it. So the theoreticians gave up but the underlying economic content and all of the ideology behind it has just kept going. We are in a strange situation where on the one hand we say we should leave markets to themselves because if they operate correctly and we get to an equilibrium this will be a socially satisfactory state. On the other hand, since we can't show that it gets there, we talk about economies that are in equilibrium but that's a contradiction because the invisible hand suggests that there is a mechanism that gets us there. And that's what we're lacking–a mechanism. Is that clear more or less?

          DSW: Yes, but it was very fast! I want to pull us back to the early times and make a couple of observations. First of all, that the first thinking about laissez faire came at a time when government was monarchy and absolutist rule. The whole struggle of the Enlightenment, to have a more egalitarian and inclusive society, was part of this. Am I right about that?

          AK: Absolutely right. There was a social and philosophical revolution, precisely because of that. Men were trying to liberate themselves from a very hierarchical and monarchical organization. And economics tried to go along with that. There were good reasons and I think that even now there is no reason to say that there is anything wrong with the liberal position. On the other hand, what we can't show is that there is anything that would enable a liberal approach like that to get things under control. So you're right. It was a reaction to very autocratic systems that led the whole of the laissez faire and liberal position to develop.

          DSW: Right. So laissez faire made a lot of sense against the background of monarchy and controlling church and so on. Now I know that Adam Smith invoked the invisible hand metaphor only three times in the entire corpus of his work and it is said that his first book on moral sentiments is much more nuanced than the popular notion of the invisible hand. Could you speak a little more on Adam Smith? On the one hand he's an advocate of laissez faire but on the other hand he is very nuanced in both of his books but especially in his Theory of Moral Sentiments. What do you have to say about that?

          AK: Right. Adam Smith was fully cognizant of the fact that man is motivated by many things. Nowadays, if you take a very primitive version of the invisible hand, people say something like "greed is good". Somehow, if everyone is greedy and tries to serve their own interest, it will get to a good position socially. Adam Smith didn't have that view at all. He had the view that people have other things in mind. For example he said that one of the strongest motivations men have is to be seen to be a good citizen and therefore would do things that would appear to other people to be good. If you have motivations like that then you can be altruistic and you're not behaving like the strict Homo economicus. Adam Smith didn't take the strong position that people left entirely to their own selfish devices will make things OK. He had the view that man is much more complicated and governed by his emotions. He talks a lot about sympathy, which we would now call empathy.

          DSW: That's great! Now let's talk about Walras and what his ambitions were to come up with the first mathematical justification for laissez faire, as I understand it.

          AK: Actually, Walras himself didn't talk so much about laissez faire. He at that time had a very simple idea, that the amount of goods that people wanted to supply at a given price would be the amount that people would want to buy; i.e, demand at that price, so if those two were equal then that was the equilibrium price. Then he said that if we have many markets, how can we be sure that they will simultaneously be cleared, because after all if you raise the price in one market then that will effect the price in other markets. If you raise the price of bananas then the price of oranges will be effected, and so forth. He said "my problem is to solve the market clearing for all goods", but he was not so interested in the underlying philosophical context. Walras wasn't someone who pushed hard for laissez faire, but he started to build the weapons for trying to understand whether all markets could get into equilibrium. He wasn't so interested, himself, on whether the equilibrium was good for society; in other words, Adam Smith's original position. I would say that Walras was more a person who was worried about the very existence of equilibrium and he tried desperately at various points to show how we might get there. I don't think he was arguing in favor of laissez faire. I wouldn't regard Walras as being strictly in that tradition.

          DSW: OK, that's new for me. So what about the rise of so-called neoclassical economics. At what point did it become toward demonstrating what I understand is the first fundamental theorem of economics-laissez faire leads to the common good and that being justified by some mathematical apparatus. Where does that come from, if not from Walras?

          AK: We missed a very important step, which is [Vilfredo] Pareto. Pareto was concerned about the idea of the invisible hand himself. He said: "Look, what I want to show you is that the competitive equilibrium is a social optimum. He was the person to define what we now call a Pareto optimum, a situation in which you cannot make one person better off without making somebody else worse off-which is a pretty weak criterion, but still is a criterion for some sort of social efficiency. He was interested in the relationship between the two, so he brought us back on track to what I interpret as the invisible hand. Then, we can make a huge jump it you want to the first theorem of welfare of economics. That, mistakenly, is often referred to as the invisible hand theorem. But it is nothing about the invisible hand. It just says that if you are in a competitive equilibrium, then that will be a Pareto optimum, in the sense that I have just mentioned. You couldn't make someone better off without making someone else worse off. That's all it says. It does not say that if you leave a society alone it will get there, but thousands of people have interpreted it in that way.

          DSW: OK. So where do we go from here? Tell me a little about agency theory, which is also something that seems to imply, if I understand it, that the only responsibility of corporations is to maximize their profits. The economy will work well if that's their only obligation.

          AK: That's not exactly a sideline but a development where people are worrying about firms in addition to individuals. When you are just dealing with individuals in a simple economy, when they are exchanging goods there is no problem. When you get firms in there you need to ask "What's the objectives of these firms?" The objective, the argument is, is if they maximize profit then they are maximizing their shareholders' benefits and so therefore we get to the idea of increasing the welfare of society as a whole. But there is a huge leap there, because we haven't specified closely in our models who owns these firms and how ownership is transferred between these people. So I think there is a fuzzy area there, which is not completely included in the theory.

          DSW: Please give me a thumbnail history of the Mont Pelerin Society and the role it played in advancing economic theory and policy. So this would be Hayek, Friedman and all that.

          AK: The great hero of that society was Hayek. He had a different position from Walras & company and he wasn't very consistent in his views. According to Hayek, Walras said that nobody influences prices but take prices as given, and then somebody, not specified, adjusts them until they get to equilibrium. There is some mechanism out there. That was Walras. Hayek said "Not at all!" He said - actually he was a horrid man.

          DSW: Wait a minute! Why was he a horrid man? You can't just glide over that!

          AK: The reason I say that is-he had very clever ideas-but he was extremely bigoted, he was racist. There is a wonderful interview with him that you can find on You Tube, where he says (imitating Hayek's accent) "I am not a racist! People accuse me of being a racist. Now it's true that some of the Indian students at the London School of Economics behave in a very nasty way, typical of Indian people…" and he carries on like this. So that's one reason he is horrid. A second thing is that if you don't believe he is horrid, David, I will send you his book The Road to Serfdom, which said that if there is any planning going on in the economy, it will inevitably lead you to a fascist situation. When he produced that book it had a big success, particularly in the United States, and what is more, he authorized a comic book version of it, which is absolutely dreadful. One Nobel Prize winner, [Ronald] Coase, said "you are carrying on so much against central planning, you forget that a large part of our economy is actually governed by centrally planned institutions, i.e., big firms, and these big firms are doing exactly what you say they can't do. Hayek shrugged that off, but what he did in his book was say that if any planning goes on then eventually you are all going to wind up in a fascist state where you'll be shot if you don't do what you're told to do. At the end of the book there is some poor guy who's being shot because he wants to be a carpenter or a plumber, or something like that. It's terrible! And the irony of the whole situation is that comic book was issued and financed by General Motors, and GM of course is one of those corporations that Hayek didn't see were centrally planned institutions. That's way I say that Hayek was a dreadful person.

          Hayek's idea was, there is no way that people could know what was going on and could know what the prices of goods are. Everyone has a little piece of information of their own, and in acting upon it, this news gets out into the market. So, for example I buy something such as a share, and you say "Oh, Kirman bought a share, so something must be going on there, based on information that he had that I didn't have", and so forth. Hayek's idea was that this mechanism-people watching each other and getting information from their acts, would lead you to the equilibrium that would be a socially optimal state. But again, he never specified closely what the mechanism was. He has little examples, such as one about shortage of tin and how people would adjust, but never really specified the mechanism. He believed that people with little information of their own, like ants, would somehow collectively get it right. It was a very different view of the world than Walras.

          DSW: So he was a pioneer in two respects. First of all, he grasped the idea of self-organizing and decentralized processes-that the intelligence is in the system, not in any individual, and secondly cultural group selection, that the reason economic systems were like this is because of some past history of better systems replacing worse systems. The wisdom of the system was the product of cultural group selection, as we would put it today, and that we shouldn't question its wisdom by tampering with it. Is that a fair thing to say?

          AK: Yes, that's a fair thing to say and I think it is what Hayek believed. He didn't actually show how it would happen but you're absolutely right-I think that's what he believed and he thought tampering with this system would make it less perfect and work less well, so just leave it alone. I don't think he had in mind, strictly speaking, group-level selection, but that's clearly his idea. A system that works well will eventually come to outstrip other systems. That's why he was advising Thatcher. Just trust the markets and let things go. Get rid of the unions, and so forth. So it's clearly he had in mind that interfering with that system would just lead you to a worse social situation. He was much less naïve than Friedman. Friedman has a primitive natural selection argument that if firms aren't doing better than other firms they'll go bust and just die. That's a summary of Friedman's evolutionary argument! But Hayek is much more sophisticated-you're absolutely right.

          DSW: I think Hayek was explicit about cultural group selection, and Friedman-I've paid quite a bit of attention to his 1953 article on positive economics, in which he makes a very naïve evolutionary argument. Friedman and Hayek didn't see eye to eye at all, as I understand it. Hayek was actually very concerned that Friedman and other mathematical economists took over the Mont Pelerin Society, if I understand it correctly, but now let's put Friedman on center stage, and also the society as a whole and the creation of all the think tanks, which caused the society to become politically influential.

          AK: Yes, I think that it coincided very nicely with conservative ideology and people who had really strongly liberal-not in the Mills sense (you have to make this distinction particularly in the United States where these words have different meanings), but really completely free market leave-everybody-to-their own-thing libertarian point of view. Those people found it a wonderful place to gather and reinforce themselves. And Hayek was a strong member of that. Another was Gary Becker, but I don't know how directly. Becker had the economics of everything-divorce, whatever. You'd have these simple arguments, but not necessarily selection arguments, often some sort of justification in terms of a superior arrangement. The marginal utility of the woman getting divorced just has to equal the marginal utility of not getting divorced and that would be the price of getting divorced, and that sort of stuff. Adam Smith would have rolled over in this grave because he believed emotions played a strong role in all of this and the emotions that you have during divorce don't tie into these strict calculations.

          DSW: This is a tailor-made ideology for powerful interests, powerful people and corporations who simply do want to have their way. Is that a false statement to make?

          AK: No, I think that's absolutely right. They can benefit from using that argument to advance their own ends. As someone once said, if you think of saying to firms, we're going to diminish their taxes, no firm in its right mind would argue with that. Even though they might think deep down that there are other things that could be done for society. There are some things which are part of this philosophy which is perfect for firms and powerful interest groups. You're absolutely right. And so they lobby for this all the time, pushing for these positions that are in fact in their own interest.

          DSW: So, at the end of the day, "Greed is Good" sounds so simplistic, but what all of this seems to do is to provide some moral justification for individuals or corporations to pursue their own interests with a clear conscience. It's a moral justification for "Greed is Good", despite all of the complexities and all of the mathematics-that's what it seems to come down to. Am I wrong about that?

          AK: I think you're absolutely right. What's interesting is that if you look at various economic situations, like today the first thing that people tell you about the Greeks is that they are horrid ideological people. But the people on the other side have an equally strong ideology, which is being justified by the sort of economic models that we are building. Remember that even though we had this discussion about how this became a real difficulty in theoretical economics, in macroeconomics they simply carried on as if these theoretical difficulties hadn't happened. Macroeconomic models are still all about equilibria, don't worry about how we got them, and their nice efficient properties, and so forth. They are nothing to do with distribution and nothing to do with disequilibrium. Two big strands of thought-Keynes and all the people who work on disequilibrium-they're just out of it. We're still working as if underlying all of this, greed-we don't want to call it greed, but something like greed-is good.

          DSW: Could I ask about Ayn Rand and what role she played, if any? On the one hand she was not an economist, she was just a philosopher and novelist. On the other hand, she is right up there in the pantheon of free market deities alone with Smith, Hayek and Friedman. Do you ever think about Ayn Rand. Does any economist think about Ayn Rand?

          AK: That's an example of my narrowness that I never read Ayn Rand, I just read about her. I think it would be unfair now to make any comments about that because I'd be as uninformed as some people who talk about Adam Smith. What I should do at some point is read some of her work, because she is constantly being cited on both sides as a dark bad figure or as a heroine in the pantheon as you said, with Hayek and everybody else. I just admit my ignorance and I don't know if Rand had a serious position on her own or whether she is being cited as a more popular and easily accessible figure.

          DSW: Fine! I'd like to wrap this up with two questions. This has been a wonderful conversation, by the way. Nowadays, you hear all the time about how neoliberal ideology and thought is invading European countries and is undoing forms of governance that are actually working quite well. I work a lot in Norway and Scandinavia and there you hear all the time that Nordic model works and at the same time it is being corrupted by the neoliberal ideology, which is being spread in some sort of cancerous fashion. Please comment on that-Current neoliberalism. What justifies it? Is it spreading? Is that a good thing or a bad thing? Anything you would like to say on that topic.

          AK: I think that one obsession that economists have is with efficiency. We're always, always, worrying about efficiency. People like to say that this is efficient or not efficient. The argument is, we know that if you free up markets you get a more efficient allocation of resources. That obsession with efficiency has led us to say that we must remove some of these restraints and restrictions and this sort of social aid that is built into the Scandinavian model. I think that's without thinking carefully about the consequences. Let me tell you my favorite and probably not very funny story about how economists are obsessed with efficiency. There were three people playing golf; a priest, a psychoanalyst, and an economist. The got very upset because the guy in front was playing extremely slowly and he had a caddy to help him. So these guys get very upset and they start to shout and say "Come on, can we play through please! You can't waste all of our afternoon!" They sent the priest up to find out what was going on and he came back absolutely crestfallen and said "You know why that poor guy is laying so slowly? It's because he's blind. I'm so upset because every Sunday I'm preaching to people to be nice to others." He turns to his psychoanalyst friend and say's "Joe, what do you think?" Joe says "I have these guys on my coach every week. I'm trying to help them live with this problem and here I am screaming at this guy. It's horrible!" Then they turn to the economist and say "Fred, what do you think?" Fred says "I think that this situation is totally inefficient. This guy should play at night!" As you can see, this is a very different attitude to how the world works.

          I think what has happened is, because of this mythology about totally free markets being efficient, we push for that all the time and in so doing, we started to do things like-for example, we hear all the time that we have to reform labor markets in Europe. Why do we want to reform them? Because then they'll be more competitive. You can reduce unit labor costs, which usually means reducing wages. But that has all sorts of consequences, which are not perceived. In model that is more complex, that sort of arrangement wouldn't necessarily be one that in your terms would be selected for. When you do that, you make many people temporary workers. You have complete ease in hiring and firing so that people are shifting jobs all the time. When they do that, we know that employers then invest nothing in their human capital. When you have a guy who may disappear tomorrow-and we have a lot of these temporary agencies now in Europe–which send you people when you need them and take away people when you don't. Employers don't spend anything on human capital. We're reducing the overall human capital in society by having an arrangement like that. If you're working for Toyota, Toyota knows pretty much that you'll be working all your lifetime, so they probably invest quite a lot in you. They make you work hard for that, but nevertheless it is a much more stable arrangement. Again, the idea that people who are out of work have chosen to be out of work and by giving them a social cushion you induce them to be out of work-that simply doesn't fit with the facts. I think that all the ramification of these measures-the side effects and external effects-all of that gets left out and we have this very simple framework that says "to be competitive, you just have to free everything up." That's what undermining the European system. European and Scandinavian systems work pretty well. Unemployment is not that high in the Scandinavian system. It may be a little bit less efficient but it may also be a society where people are a little bit more at ease with themselves, than they are in a society where they are constantly worrying about what will happen to them next. The last remark I would make is that to say "you've got to get rid of all those rules and regulations you have"-in general, those rules and regulations are there for a reason. Again, to use an evolutionary argument, they didn't just appear, they got selected for. We put them in place because there was some problem, so just to remove them without thinking about why they are there doesn't make a lot of sense.

          DSW: Right, but at the same time, a regulation is a like a mutation: for every one that's beneficial there are a hundred that are deleterious. So…

          AK: You are an American, deep at heart! You believe that all these regulations are dreadful. Think of regulations about not allowing people to work too near a chain saw that's going full blast, or not being allowed to work with asbestos and so forth. Those rules, I think, have a reason to be there.

          DSW: Well of course, but just to make my position clear, the idea of no regulations is absurd. For a system that is basically well adapted to its environment, then most of its regulations are there for a reason, as you say, but one of the things that everyone needs to know about evolution is that a lot of junk accumulates. There is junk DNA and there is junk regulations. Not every regulation has a purpose just because it's there, and when it comes to adapting to the future, that's a matter of new regulations and picking the right one out of many that are wrong. The question would be, how do you create smart regulations? Knowing that you need regulations, how do you create smart ones? That's our challenge and the challenge of someone who appreciates complexity, as you do. How would you respond to that?

          AK: I think you're absolutely right. It's absolutely clear that as these regulations accumulate, they weren't developed in harmony with each other, so you often get even contradictory regulations. Every now and then, simplifying them is hugely beneficial. But that doesn't mean getting rid of regulations in general. It means somehow managing to choose between them, and that's not necessarily a natural process. For example, in France when I arrived here it used to take about a day and a half to make my tax return. Now it takes around about 20 minutes, because some sensible guy realized that you could simplify this whole thing and you could put a lot of stuff already into the form which they have received. They have a lot of information from your employer and so forth. They've simplified it to a point where it takes me about 20 minutes a year to do my tax return. It used to take a huge amount of time.

          DSW: Nice!

          AK: What's interesting is that you have some intelligent person saying "let's look at this and see if we can't make these rules much simpler, and they did. I have conflicting views, like you. These things are usually there for a reason, so you shouldn't just throw them away, but how do you select between them. I don't think that they necessarily select themselves out.

          DSW: I would amend what you said. You said that some intelligent person figured out how to make the tax system work better in France. Probably not just a single intelligent person. Probably it was an intelligent process, which included intelligent people, but I think that gets us back to the idea that we need systemic processes to evaluate and select so that we become adaptable systems. But that will be systemic thing, not a smart individual.

          AK: You're absolutely right. I shouldn't have said smart individual because what surely happened was that there was a lot of pressure on the people who handle all of these things, and gradually together they realized that this situation was becoming one where their work was becoming almost impossible to achieve in the time available. So there was some collective pressure that led them to form committees and things that thought about this and got it together. So it was a natural process of a system, but it wasn't the rules themselves that selected themselves out, as it were. It was the collectivity that evolved in that way to make it simpler.

          DSW: There's no invisible hand to save the day.

          AK: (laughs). Joe Stiglitz used to say that we also need a visible hand. The visible hand is sometimes pretty useful. For example in the financial sector I think you really need a visible hand and not an invisible hand.

          DSW. That's great and a perfect way to end. I'm so happy to have had this conversation, Alan, and to be working with you at the conference we just staged and into the future.

          AK: A pleasure. Always good to talk with you.

          Alan Kirman is professor emeritus of Economics at the University of Aix-Marseille III and at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales and is a member of the Institut Universitaire de France. His Ph.D. is from Princeton and he has been professor of economics at Johns Hopkins University, the Universite Libre de Bruxelles, Warwick University, and the European University Institute in Florence, Italy. He was elected a fellow of the Econometric Society and of the European Economic Association and was awarded the Humboldt Prize in Germany. He is member of the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton. He has published 150 articles in international scientific journals. He also is the author and editor of twelve books, most recently Complex Economics: Individual and Collective Rationality, which was published by Routledge in July 2010.

          [Oct 18, 2015] What Prosperity Is, Where Growth Comes from, Why Markets Work

          Notable quotes:
          "... In 1959, noted American economist Moses Abramovitz cautioned that "we must be highly skeptical of the view that long-term changes in the rate of growth of welfare can be gauged even roughly from changes in the rate of growth of output." ..."
          "... In 2009, a commission of leading economists convened by President Nicolas Sarkozy of France and chaired by Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz reported on the inadequacies of GDP. They noted well-known issues such as the fact that GDP does not capture changes in the quality of the products (think of mobile phones over the past 20 years) or the value of unpaid labor (caring for an elderly parent in the home). The commission also cited evidence that GDP growth does not always correlate with increases in measures of well-being such as health or self-reported happiness, and concluded that growing GDP can have deleterious effects on the environment. ..."
          "... Our issue isn't with GDP per se. As the English say, "It does what it says on the tin"-it measures economic activity or output. Rather, our issue is with the nature of that activity itself. Our question is whether the activities of our economy that are counted in GDP are truly enhancing the prosperity of our society. ..."
          "... Robert Shiller of Yale University, who ironically shared this year's Nobel with Fama, showed in the early 1980s that stock market prices did not always reflect fundamental value, and sometimes big gaps could open up between the two. ..."
          "... And therein lies the difference between a poor society and a prosperous one. It isn't the amount of money that a society has in circulation, whether dollars, euros, beads, or wampum. Rather, it is the availability of the things that create well-being-like antibiotics, air conditioning, safe food, the ability to travel, and even frivolous things like video games. It is the availability of these "solutions" to human problems-things that make life better on a relative basis-that makes us prosperous. ..."
          "... This is why prosperity in human societies can't be properly understood by just looking at monetary measures of income or wealth. Prosperity in a society is the accumulation of solutions to human problems. ..."
          December 1, 2014 | Democracy Journal ( also reprinted in Evonomics )

          The Price of Everything, the Value of Nothing

          The most basic measure we have of economic growth is gross domestic product. GDP was developed from the work in the 1930s of the American economist Simon Kuznets and it became the standard way to measure economic output following the 1944 Bretton Woods conference. But from the beginning, Kuznets and other economists highlighted that GDP was not a measure of prosperity. In 1959, noted American economist Moses Abramovitz cautioned that "we must be highly skeptical of the view that long-term changes in the rate of growth of welfare can be gauged even roughly from changes in the rate of growth of output."

          In 2009, a commission of leading economists convened by President Nicolas Sarkozy of France and chaired by Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz reported on the inadequacies of GDP. They noted well-known issues such as the fact that GDP does not capture changes in the quality of the products (think of mobile phones over the past 20 years) or the value of unpaid labor (caring for an elderly parent in the home). The commission also cited evidence that GDP growth does not always correlate with increases in measures of well-being such as health or self-reported happiness, and concluded that growing GDP can have deleterious effects on the environment. Some countries have experimented with other metrics to augment GDP, such as Bhutan's "gross national happiness index."

          Our issue isn't with GDP per se. As the English say, "It does what it says on the tin"-it measures economic activity or output. Rather, our issue is with the nature of that activity itself. Our question is whether the activities of our economy that are counted in GDP are truly enhancing the prosperity of our society.

          Since the field's beginnings, economists have been concerned with why one thing has more value than another, and what conditions lead to greater prosperity-or social welfare, as economists call it. Adam Smith's famous diamond-water paradox showed that quite often the market price of a thing does not always reflect intuitive notions of its intrinsic value-diamonds, with little intrinsic value, are typically far more expensive than water, which is essential for life. This is of course where markets come into play-in most places, water is more abundant than diamonds, and so the law of supply and demand determines that water is cheaper.

          After lots of debate about the nature of economic value in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, economists considered the issue largely settled by the mid-twentieth century. The great French economist Gerard Debreu argued in his 1959 Theory of Value that if markets are competitive and people are rational and have good information, then markets will automatically sort everything out, ensuring that prices reflect supply and demand and allocate everything in such a way that everyone's welfare is maximized, and that no one can be made better off without making someone else worse off. In essence, the market price of something reflects a collective judgment of the value of that thing. The idea of intrinsic value was always problematic because it was inherently relative and hard to observe or measure. But market prices are cold hard facts. If market prices provide a collective societal judgment of value and allocate goods to their most efficient and welfare-maximizing uses, then we no longer have to worry about squishy ideas like intrinsic value; we just need to look at the price of something to know its value.

          Debreu was apolitical about his theory-in fact, he saw it as an exercise in abstract mathematics and repeatedly warned about over-interpreting its applicability to real-world economies. However, his work, as well as related work in that era by figures such as Kenneth Arrow and Paul Samuelson, laid the foundations for economists such as Milton Friedman and Robert Lucas, who provided a devastating critique of Keynesianism in the 1960s and '70s, and recent Nobel laureate Eugene Fama, who pioneered the theory of efficient markets in finance in the 1970s and '80s. According to the neoclassical theory that emerged from this era, if markets are efficient and thus "welfare-maximizing," then it follows that we should minimize any distortions that move society away from this optimal state, whether it is companies engaging in monopolistic behavior, unions interfering with labor markets, or governments creating distortions through taxes and regulation.

          These ideas became the intellectual touchstone of a resurgent conservative movement in the 1980s and led to a wave of financial market deregulation that continued through the 1990s up until the crash of 2008. Under this logic, if financial markets are the most competitive and efficient markets in the world, then they should be minimally regulated. And innovations like complex derivatives must be valuable, not just to the bankers earning big fees from creating them, but to those buying them and to society as a whole. Any interference will reduce the efficiency of the market and reduce the welfare of society. Likewise the enormous pay packets of the hedge-fund managers trading those derivatives must reflect the value they are adding to society - they are making the market more efficient. In efficient markets, if someone is willing to pay for something, it must be valuable. Price and value are effectively the same thing.

          Even before the crash, some economists were beginning to question these ideas. Robert Shiller of Yale University, who ironically shared this year's Nobel with Fama, showed in the early 1980s that stock market prices did not always reflect fundamental value, and sometimes big gaps could open up between the two. Likewise, behavioral economists like Daniel Kahneman began showing that real people didn't behave in the hyper-rational way that Debreu's theory assumed. Other researchers in the 1980s and '90s, even Debreu's famous co-author Arrow, began to question the whole notion of the economy naturally moving to a resting point or "equilibrium" where everyone's welfare is optimized.

          An emerging twenty-first century view of the economy is that it is a dynamic, constantly evolving, highly complex system-more like an ecosystem than a machine. In such a system, markets may be highly innovative and effective, but they can sometimes be far from efficient. And likewise, people may be clever, but they can sometimes be far from rational. So if markets are not always efficient and people are not always rational, then the twentieth century mantra that price equals value may not be right either. If this is the case, then what do terms like value, wealth, growth, and prosperity mean?

          Prosperity Isn't Money, It's Solutions

          In every society, some people are better off than others. Discerning the differences is simple. When someone has more money than most other people, we call him wealthy. But an important distinction must be drawn between this kind of relative wealth and the societal wealth that we term "prosperity." What it takes to make a society prosperous is far more complex than what it takes to make one individual better off than another.

          Most of us intuitively believe that the more money people have in a society, the more prosperous that society must be. America's average household disposable income in 2010 was $38,001 versus $28,194 for Canada; therefore America is more prosperous than Canada.

          But the idea that prosperity is simply "having money" can be easily disproved with a simple thought experiment. (This thought experiment and other elements of this section are adapted from Eric Beinhocker's The Origin of Wealth, Harvard Business School Press, 2006.) Imagine you had the $38,001 income of a typical American but lived in a village among the Yanomami people, an isolated hunter-gatherer tribe deep in the Brazilian rainforest. You'd easily be the richest Yanomamian (they don't use money but anthropologists estimate their standard of living at the equivalent of about $90 per year). But you'd still feel a lot poorer than the average American. Even after you'd fixed up your mud hut, bought the best clay pots in the village, and eaten the finest Yanomami cuisine, all of your riches still wouldn't get you antibiotics, air conditioning, or a comfy bed. And yet, even the poorest American typically has access to these crucial elements of well-being.

          And therein lies the difference between a poor society and a prosperous one. It isn't the amount of money that a society has in circulation, whether dollars, euros, beads, or wampum. Rather, it is the availability of the things that create well-being-like antibiotics, air conditioning, safe food, the ability to travel, and even frivolous things like video games. It is the availability of these "solutions" to human problems-things that make life better on a relative basis-that makes us prosperous.

          This is why prosperity in human societies can't be properly understood by just looking at monetary measures of income or wealth. Prosperity in a society is the accumulation of solutions to human problems.

          These solutions run from the prosaic, like a crunchier potato chip, to the profound, like cures for deadly diseases. Ultimately, the measure of a society's wealth is the range of human problems that it has found a way to solve and how available it has made those solutions to its citizens. Every item in the huge retail stores that Americans shop in can be thought of as a solution to a different kind of problem-how to eat, clothe ourselves, make our homes more comfortable, get around, entertain ourselves, and so on. The more and better solutions available to us, the more prosperity we have.

          The long arc of human progress can be thought of as an accumulation of such solutions, embodied in the products and services of the economy. The Yanomami economy, typical of our hunter-gatherer ancestors 15,000 years ago, has a variety of products and services measured in the hundreds or thousands at most. The variety of modern America's economy can be measured in the tens or even hundreds of billions. Measured in dollars, Americans are more than 500 times richer than the Yanomami. Measured in access to products and services that provide solutions to human problems, we are hundreds of millions of times more prosperous.

          [Oct 13, 2015] Steve Keen Mainstream Economics and Its Deadly Equilibrium Assumption

          "... The biggest lie is money and the notion that issuers of fiat currencies, sovereign governments, are like households and need to balance deficit spending by borrowing the shortfall in tax revenues. ..."
          Jun 16, 2003 | naked capitalism

          Chris Williams, October 12, 2015 at 5:24 pm

          As an economist who was taught at the Australian National University in the 1980s, I know, now, that the profession has more in common with PolSci than it has to do with math. Yet, we had all those demand and supply graphs, ISLM, Phillips curves and so on. Very mathy, we even did Economic Stats, Accounting and Comp Sci just to round off the notion that Economic theories were like, say Physics, full of 'laws' that were immutable.

          Non economists, most of the rest of you, I hope, can only imagine what it feels like to know that much of what you read and thought about during those years of study was complete crap as the syllabus failed to account for fraud, corruption, how money and debt works in reality etc….

          The biggest lie is money and the notion that issuers of fiat currencies, sovereign governments, are like households and need to balance deficit spending by borrowing the shortfall in tax revenues.

          Hopefully, the new thinkers in the profession like Steve, can continue to spread their message

          Knute Rife, October 13, 2015 at 12:05 am

          When I was an undergrad, I took macro and micro in very classical courses. It didn't take long to see the "math" on the board was more conjuring than calculating. In law school I took Law and Economics from an econ prof. There were about three of us in the class who had any decent math. The prof's "calculations" had us constantly looking at one another. One day she finally hit the limit. We pointed out to her that she had the central fraction reversed. She stood back and said (I kid you not), "Oh well, it doesn't matter." I turned down the sound on economic "calculations" in general after that.

          Furzy Mouse, October 12, 2015 at 12:42 pm

          Keen's talk….cannot read the subtitles….the screen is too small, even when I go to YouTube…

          Arthur Wilke,

          October 12, 2015 at 1:33 pm


          This link may be an aid: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x7uITEBqQvM

          Vatch, October 12, 2015 at 1:44 pm

          Have you tried your browser's zoom function? This is often CTRL-Plus. CTRL-Minus reduces the size, and CTRL-Zero restores the default size.

          low_integer, October 12, 2015 at 2:00 pm

          If you put your cursor on the bottom right corner of the video and click, the video will expand into full screen. It is one of the options in the bar that is only visible when your cursor is at the bottom of the video area, from which you can also turn the subtitles on and off. Also, press escape to exit full screen mode. Hope that makes sense


          Arthur Wilke, October 12, 2015 at 2:32 pm

          The embedded video is selected from this encounter and
          is easy to expand to full-screen:
          https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x7uITEBqQvM

          [Oct 09, 2015] Economist's View 'Faith in an Unregulated Free Market Don't Fall for It'

          Oct 09, 2015 | economistsview.typepad.com
          Robert Shiller continues to phish for book sales:
          Faith in an Unregulated Free Market? Don't Fall for It: Perhaps the most widely admired of all the economic theories taught in our universities is the notion that an unregulated competitive economy is optimal for everyone. ...
          The problem is that these ideas are flawed. Along with George A. Akerlof ... I have used behavioral economics to plumb the soundness of these notions. ...
          Don't get us wrong: George and I are certainly free-market advocates. In fact, I have argued for years that we need more such markets, like futures markets for single-family home prices or occupational incomes, or markets that would enable us to trade claims on gross domestic product. I've written about these things in this column.
          But, at the same time, we both believe that standard economic theory is typically overenthusiastic about unregulated free markets. It usually ignores the fact that, given normal human weaknesses, an unregulated competitive economy will inevitably spawn an immense amount of manipulation and deception. ...
          Current economic theory does recognize that if there is an "externality" - say, a business polluting the air in the course of producing the goods it sells - the outcome won't be optimal, and most economists would agree that in such cases we need government intervention.
          But the problem of market-incentivized professional manipulation and deception is fundamental, not an externality...

          david said...

          "But the problem of market-incentivized professional manipulation and deception is fundamental, not an externality..."

          Glad to see Shiller pushing this line.

          But that's true of loads of what gets called externality -- that's the trouble with the term, it presumes some idyllic unregulated market with just a few troubling side effects to regulate away. The markets are made so that certain actors gain rewards and others bear costs, fundamentally. Externality suggests tweaks, but to go back to the Stavins bit from a few days ago, we need to be thinking structure and power.

          JohnH said...

          An unregulated free market is a recipe for oligopoly and monopoly, the very antithesis of a free market.

          pgl said in reply to JohnH...

          "The problem of market-incentivized professional manipulation and deception is fundamental, not an externality" goes well beyond anti-trust concerns."

          Paul Mathis said...

          Unregulated Free Markets Never Existed

          Nearly 4,000 years ago the Babylonian King Hammurabi carved onto a large stone a code of laws regulating contracts: the wages to be paid to an ox driver or a surgeon, the liability of a builder for a house that collapses, property that is damaged while left in the care of another, etc. – Wikipedia.

          Governments have been regulating and enforcing contracts ever since because no economy can function without such regulation and enforcement. And whenever government regulation is absent, businesses collude to fix prices, divide up markets and drive out competitors thereby nullifying any illusion of "free market" competition.

          GeorgeNYC said...

          Just ask any "free market" advocate if they believe that the stock market is a good example of their vision for a "free market". They will invariably say "yes" as the stock market is the cathedral of religious capitalism.

          Point out to them that the "stock market" is actually one of the most highly regulated "markets" with strict disclosure requirements (enforced by the government) and insider trading prohibitions (also enforced by the government), to name but a few, without which much of our faith in the "market" would be completely eliminated (and whose weak enforcement invariably lead to concerns about fraud). Of course, there are also a huge number of "private" regulations that ultimately have the force of the government behind them in that they allow for exchanges to "self-regulate".

          Most people do not understand that force is required to maintain the type of transparency needed to allow the proper information flow necessary to actually have a market work with true efficiency. "Free" is a complete misnomer. "Open" would probably be better term although that does not really fully capture the requirements.

          likbez said in reply to GeorgeNYC...

          That's brilliant: "the stock market is the cathedral of religious capitalism".

          The term "free market" became symbol of faith for neoliberalism and obtained distinct religious overtones. Because neoliberalism is in reality a secular religion. That's why neoliberalism is often called casino capitalism.

          And at the same time it is powerful instrument of propaganda of neoliberalism, a very skillful deception that masks what is in practice the advocacy of the law of jungle.

          Advocates of "free market" (note that they never use the term "fair market") are lavishly paid by Wall Street for one specific purpose: first to restore and now to maintain the absolute dominance of financial oligarchy which now successfully positioned itself above the law. Kind of return to feudalism on a new level.

          Bud Meyers said...

          Great posts on this topic:

          Free Markets are Fraudulent Markets (by Eric L. Prentis)

          http://www.economicpopulist.org/content/free-markets-are-fraudulent-markets-5360

          Capitalism Requires Government (7 pages: click through the page links near the bottom of each page):

          http://www.governmentisgood.com/articles.php?aid=13

          [Oct 09, 2015] Free Markets are Fraudulent Markets

          Oct 09, 2015 | www.economicpopulist.org
          September 7, 2013 | The Economic Populist
          How the Financial Elite Con Us into Wanting the Wrong Thing

          Competitive or self-regulating market economies promote dynamic creative destruction and rebirth-led by people's needs, wants and desires, thus properly directing economic progress. Historically, competitive market economies are a relatively new economic system, and while very productive, they are not self-sustaining, are unstable and require significant state support and regulation to function properly.

          Nevertheless, self-regulating market economies are superior to other political-economic systems-such as dictatorial fascism or autocratic communism-however, the state can mismanage them.

          History of Market Economies

          Market economies are nonexistent during primitive times, and even during feudal times, markets trade local goods and remain small, with no tendency to grow. External foreign markets carry only specialty items-such as spices, salted fish and wine. Foreign trade does not begin in feudal societies, between individuals, but is only sanctioned by civic leaders-between whole communities.

          During feudal times, markets for local community goods do not mix with markets for goods that come from afar. Local and external foreign markets differ in size, origin and function-are strictly segregated, and neither market is permitted to enter the countryside.

          Feudal society transitions into the mercantile society of the 16th to late 18th centuries, where the state monopolizes the economic system, for the state's benefit. Colonies are forbidden to trade with other countries, and workers' wages are restricted. However, mercantilism proves divisive; fostering imperialism, colonialism and many wars between the Great Powers. Market economies have yet to arrive, and would not do so until after 1790.

          During the Industrial Revolution, production processes transition from hand crafting methods that supply only the local community, into mechanized manufacturing; thereby vastly increasing production, driving down costs and increasing wealth. The source of a person's income is now the result of product sales to far-off, unknown customers. Private business entrepreneurs are the driving force pushing the state to institute the market economy, thereby protecting the sale of their goods in far-off lands.

          Unfortunately, in practice, market economies result in corporate monopolies. Corporations may use a product dumping predatory pricing strategy, by charging less than their cost to produce, in a specific market, in order to drive weaker, smaller competitors out of business, and then significantly raise prices at a later date, in order to gouge the consumer. If the monopoly is in a vital economic area and the company institutes monopoly pricing to overcharge the consumer, only the state has the power to protect the market economy from monopolistic inefficiencies and break up the offending company; thus reinstituting competitive pricing. As a result, government regulations and market economies develop simultaneously.

          Laws & Regulations Are Necessary

          Leaving business a free hand, especially when dealing with far off customers, leads to misrepresentations, shoddy practices and fraud. The food industry is an example.

          Upton Sinclair writes The Jungle (1906), exposing the disgusting unsanitary conditions in the Chicago meatpacking industry, during the early 20th century. Public uproar prompts President Theodore Roosevelt to pass the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906 and the Meat Inspection Act. Roosevelt says that government laws and regulations are the only way to restrain the arrogant and selfish greed of the capitalist system.

          Shocking examples of food fraud in 2013 highlight the need for enforcing government regulations. Inspectors uncover corporations selling horse meat as beef, and routinely mislabeling about 40% of the fish served in U.S. restaurants. Cheap rockfish and tilapia are substituted and sold as expensive snapper, and restaurateurs frequently switch escolar for white tuna, causing diners to suffer indigestion.

          Over 70% of the tilapia sold in the U.S. is imported from Asia, and only 2% is inspected by the Food and Drug Administration. Much of this Asian farm raised tilapia is "filthy fish," where pesticides and manure run off into the tilapia raising ponds, causing infections. Or the tilapia is raised in polluted Asian rivers. Americans are impairing their health by unknowingly eating filthy Asian tilapia, fraudulently substituted in U.S. restaurants for the healthy fish ordered.

          Other fraudulently mislabeled foods include sausage, organic foods, energy drinks, milk and eggs. Without sanitary food preparation standards, set and fairly enforced by the government-Americans will soon return to naively eating rat droppings-so, unknown to them, CEOs can meet Wall Street earnings expectations.

          Departments of Weights and Measures (DWMs) at the state and federal level develop "uniform laws, regulations and methods of practice" that impact about 50% of U.S. GDP-to ensure there is equity between buyers and sellers in commercial transactions.

          Because gasoline stations routinely pumped less gas then charged for, DWMs now ensure the accuracy of gasoline pumps, octane levels, labeling and restricting water in gasoline. Butchers used to add lead weights to the chest cavity of the poultry sold, prior to weighing, then noiselessly dumped the weights out into an unseen padded draw before the bird was held up for the customer's inspection, thereby swindling their trusting patrons.

          Without the state to step in to punish fraudulent wrongdoers, dishonest business practices would be widespread. Consumer trust, in everyday market transactions, is paramount for market economies to function effectively and efficiently-making government regulations vitally important.

          Without regulation and transparency, bad businesses drive out good businesses, following Gresham's Law. The economic system then atrophies, with a loss of trust in the marketplace. What is lost is not just the money on an inferior product or service, in the short run, but more importantly, the bad businesses may use their outsized profits to buy political protection and start changing laws, to make new laws favorable only for them-thereby damaging the market economy and reducing the state's economic growth and welfare.

          Competitive Market Economies

          An economic market system capable of directing the whole of economic life, without out-side help or interference, is called self-regulating. Once the self-regulating or competitive market economy is designed and implemented by the state, to give all participants an equal opportunity for success, the self-regulating market is to be let alone by the state and allowed to function according to laws and regulations, without after-the-fact government intrusions-regardless of the expected consequences.

          Those in Western societies are told that competitive market economies, which have self-regulated prices for land, labor and money, set solely by the market, are normal, and that human beings develop market economies on their own, without help from the state, which is the proof of human progress. Also, that market institutions will arise naturally and spontaneously, if only persons are left alone to pursue their economic interests, free from government control. This is incorrect.

          Throughout most of human history, self-regulating markets are unnatural and exceptional. Human beings are forced into the self-regulating market economy, by the state. Look at the following false competitive market economy assumptions.

          We are told people naturally bartered goods. Actually, human beings, down through history, have no predilection to barter. Social anthropology says that assuming tribal and feudal men and women bartered are rationalist constructs, with no basis in fact. Market economies are the result of often violent government directives, implemented for society's eventual improvement.

          The assumption is man is a trader by nature, and that any different human behavior is an artificial economic construct. By not interfering in human behavior, markets will spring up spontaneously. Social anthropology disproves this.

          Neoliberal Economic Theory

          Originally, neoliberal economic theory means, "free enterprise, competitive markets, the priority of the market price setting mechanism, and a strong and impartial state-to ensure it all functions properly."

          The Mont Pelerin Society, led by Dr. Milton Friedman, supports Hayek's economic theories, based on "free market" ideology and help change neoliberal economic theory by rejecting government regulation-calling it inefficient. In addition, financial economists at the University of Chicago School of Business promote the efficient market hypothesis or theory (EMT), supporting the Mont Pelerin Society's conjecture. Thus, the primacy of deregulated or "free markets" becomes mainstream within academe in the 1970s. Large corporations then use "free market fundamentalism" to their advantage, by lobbying the U.S. Congress to pass legislation beneficial to them.

          Some think that "free markets" are a matter of degree, and the practical issues of implementation are paramount. This is incorrect, and will not resolve the current "free market fundamentalism" debate. Instead, the real issue is semantics. Notice how quickly those with a political agenda change the debate from "competitive markets," which require state regulations and are highly productive-to "free markets," which result in fraudulent marketplace behavior, crony capitalism and weak economic growth.

          Using the term "free markets" is an Orwellian ruse, designed to change the focus in the public's mind from, "those in authority have to do better" to "those in authority know best, therefore, let them have their way."

          Today, neoliberal economic dogma promotes "free market fundamentalism" of reducing the size of government through the privatization of government services, deregulation and globalization. Privatization professes to reduce the state's authority over the economy, but state money is used by private companies to lobby legislators, to change laws, which will increase the government's demand for these same private corporation services. Privatization of government services by corporations does not promote the common good, only corporations' private profits.

          Neoliberal "free market" economists have doubled down on the failed liberal economic theory, with the ongoing 2008 credit crisis as the result.

          Free Markets Are Impractical

          "Free markets" are free from state intervention, i.e., unfettered capitalism. Those who understand how markets function realize this is an impractical view-simply a rhetorical device-using the popular word "freedom" to mask its real purpose.

          "Free markets" are a fantasy, far outside the realm of practicality, used by wealthy international corporations to bully governments and labor, to get their way. The reality is a competitive market economy requires powerful complex opposing interests, mediated by government, to produce an efficient and effective economy that supplies the most to the many, which includes the common good.

          Free Market Fundamentalism Leads To Economic Disaster

          Nowhere is "free market fundamentalism" more highly trumpeted by neoliberal economists than in the financial markets. The foundation of neoliberalism is, "a deregulated financial sector will regulate itself efficiently, making better use of capital, thus ushering in a new age of prosperity."

          Tragically, the massive deregulation of the financial markets during the Clinton and Bush presidencies, results in the ongoing 2008 credit crisis-which the U.S. Government Accountability Office reports has cost the U.S. economy about $13 trillion dollars in lost GDP output.

          "Free market" apologists ingenuously explain the 2008 credit crisis is not caused by "free markets," but because government regulations are not loose enough. All "free market" failures are dismissed by the financial elite, because of cognitive dissonance. Bankers and neoliberal economists want to believe in what is making them richer and more important. This is the same logic used by those in charge in the USSR, when communism failed, "it wasn't being applied purely enough."

          Free Market Ideology in Practice

          "Free market," ideology, as practiced today, is the opposite of what is stated. Instead, governments step in to save insolvent banks and large international corporations, when they make bankrupting mistakes, and give the bill to the taxpayer. This transforms the difficult but manageable ongoing 2008 credit crisis, into a much larger and dangerous sovereign bankruptcy crisis, with potentially calamitous political consequences.

          "Free markets" usher in unfettered capitalism, unleashing the "law of the jungle" and a "dog-eat-dog world" that fosters fraud and corruption. Human beings, no matter their station in life, cannot be trusted to always do the right thing, especially in a competitive situation. Doing away with laws or regulations so those in power know it is impossible to be caught or penalized does not stop them from acting improperly. Only criminal punishment and public disgrace accomplish that.

          The resulting "free market" business jungle includes monopolies, coercion, fraud, theft, parasitism, crony cabals and racketeering. Ironically, unfettered "free markets" are not free, but increase injustice, making the economic system inefficient. Only government laws and regulations can keep markets competitive.

          The EMT Supporting Free Markets Is Wrong

          New scientific evidence on the efficient market hypothesis or theory (EMT), shows University of Chicago School of Business researchers ask the wrong questions, use erroneous data and an incorrect research method to analyze the data, and then jump to false conclusions, based on half-truths-please read further in my journal articles: link, link and link.

          The EMT and "free market fundamentalism" are false gods.

          Conclusion

          Markets are not efficient, based on the data. Consequently, "free markets" have no theoretical foundation. Therefore, reject the incorrect theory of "free market fundamentalism" It is impractical and dangerous, leading us into the ongoing 2008 credit crisis.

          Competitive market economies only function properly by having fair laws and regulations, set up and impartially enforced, by a strong state. Dr. Robert M. Solow, 1987 Nobel Prize Winner in Economics and MIT Institute Professor Emeritus says, "The switch to talk about "free" markets diverts attention from these deficiencies and suggests that any attempts at corrective regulation are instead limitations on freedom."

          Neoliberal" free market fundamentalists" in business use "free market" ideology as a negotiation ploy. Do not succumb to this ruse. The U.S. requires "competitive markets for economic growth," not "free markets for fraud."

          [Sep 27, 2015] A Few Less Obvious Answers on What is Wrong with Macroeconomics

          "... ...IMF Survey ..."
          "... there ..."
          "... There is no and never has been "economics". Only political economy. That means that neoliberal "Flat Earth Theories" will be enforced, by force if necessary. ..."
          "... Blanchard is a pro system guy. A maintainer not a disrupter. When he lauds the thousand schools cacophony, it's simply to spread caution about government macro engineering ..."
          Sep 27, 2015 | economistsview.typepad.com
          Sep 26, 2015 | Economist's View

          From an interview with Olivier Blanchard:

          ...IMF Survey: In pushing the envelope, you also hosted three major Rethinking Macroeconomics conferences. What were the key insights and what are the key concerns on the macroeconomic front?

          Blanchard:

          Let me start with the obvious answer: That mainstream macroeconomics had taken the financial system for granted. The typical macro treatment of finance was a set of arbitrage equations, under the assumption that we did not need to look at who was doing what on Wall Street. That turned out to be badly wrong.

          But let me give you a few less obvious answers:

          The financial crisis raises a potentially existential crisis for macroeconomics. Practical macro is based on the assumption that there are fairly stable aggregate relations, so we do not need to keep track of each individual, firm, or financial institution-that we do not need to understand the details of the micro plumbing. We have learned that the plumbing, especially the financial plumbing, matters: the same aggregates can hide serious macro problems. How do we do macro then?

          As a result of the crisis, a hundred intellectual flowers are blooming. Some are very old flowers: Hyman Minsky's financial instability hypothesis. Kaldorian models of growth and inequality. Some propositions that would have been considered anathema in the past are being proposed by "serious" economists: For example, monetary financing of the fiscal deficit. Some fundamental assumptions are being challenged, for example the clean separation between cycles and trends: Hysteresis is making a comeback. Some of the econometric tools, based on a vision of the world as being stationary around a trend, are being challenged. This is all for the best.

          Finally, there is a clear swing of the pendulum away from markets towards government intervention, be it macro prudential tools, capital controls, etc. Most macroeconomists are now solidly in a second best world. But this shift is happening with a twist-that is, with much skepticism about the efficiency of government intervention. ...

          pgl said...

          "That mainstream macroeconomics had taken the financial system for granted. The typical macro treatment of finance was a set of arbitrage equations, under the assumption that we did not need to look at who was doing what on Wall Street. That turned out to be badly wrong."

          Ah yes - the Efficient Markets Hypothesis (EMH). Nice academic theory but Wall Street exists because they are deviations from EMH. And the scale of operations there - even the slightest deviation can generate huge profits for them. And when the rest of us are not careful - huge costs to the rest of the world.

          It is not that these deviations are not known and how to address the downsides of them are that complicated. What is complicated is making sure Congress and not and paid for by the Wall Street crowd. Dodd-Frank was a nice start. It is a same that our expert on everything - Rusty - has joined in the chorus to get rid of Dodd-Frank.

          RC AKA Darryl, Ron said in reply to djb...

          "now its getting spooky"

          [Welcome to my world. I have always been ahead of trend, but usually by several decades rather than just a few hours :<)

          I would venture that you don't know the half of it yet. Let me elucidate.]

          "...Olivier Blanchard will step down as Economic Counsellor and Director of the IMF's Research Department at the end of September.

          He will join the Peterson Institute for International Economics in October as the first C. Fred Bergsten senior fellow, a post named for the founder of the influential 35-year-old, Washington-based think tank..."

          [Now tell me how that you can imagine anyone to be more mainstream status quo establishment than that in the general spectrum of academic research and study economics? The plot thickens. Like I said earlier today, we have been solidly in a Second Best world practically since FDR died from the perspective of economics as a socio-political discipline exercised for the common good in any manner discernible by the wage class.

          The social expression of our anxiety and grief post-2008 is being played out in compartmentalized parallel tracts organized by socio-economic class. We are experiencing denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance all at once now. Since the crisis was caused by the conservative agenda of financial innovation and deregulation then they are expressing most of the denial. People that lost their jobs and homes are expressing much of the anger, but a threatened white male population deeply invested in the emotional capital of white supremacy and chauvinism is even louder in their anger (and they are having a Tea Party to get to know each other and celebrate being white men). Elites are doing the bargaining because they really don't want to lose establishment control to populists. Folk that still don't have a job or a home are expressing the depression. Finally most people that do have a home and a job that do not fall into any of the other groups are expressing the acceptance.

          Me? I recently got laid off, but was lucky enough having just turned 66 that with six years service credit taken from my severance benefits added to my pension plus what little I had in 457 and 401 plans then I could retire and still pay my bills including four more years of mortgage and HELOC payments. So, I am a bit cash strapped presently but have time to work on some projects. I have been waiting to get the establishment on the ropes for nearly fifty years. So, I am not healing from grief. I have been released and am looking for an opportunity to get the establishment on its intellectual ropes.

          I thought it was getting spooky when I first began to learn about mainstream economic thought regarding capital gains windfalls, corporate mergers, and financial "innovation" in the mid-sixties. For the first time in my life I am beginning to see a tiny glimmer of it starting to get real.]

          JohnH said...

          "Mainstream macroeconomics had taken the financial system for granted."

          It's actually worse than that. Mainstream macroeconomics willfully ignores the impact of rising asset prices on inequality, democracy, and power dynamics between the 1% and the rest.

          Cui bono from their willful negligence? The powerful and wealthy, of course!

          Amateur said...

          I'm a fan of Olivier.

          The leaders of the IMF were in a unique position to see new insights into our macro problems because they are largely caused by the globalization of capital flows and labor.

          I think he's getting there, but I suspect the old frameworks are still going to be an impediment to mainstream economic thinking.

          I'm glad to hear there are more people that we might be aware of that are rethinking macro in this context.

          Dan Kervick said...

          "The plumbing matters."

          Yes, that's it. I hope that is the main lesson the economics profession takes away from the current crisis. It would be nice if we get a new generation of practitioners who think a bit more like engineers and technicians, and less like mathematical physicists.

          Paul Mathis

          "Some propositions that would have been considered anathema in the past are being proposed by "serious" economists: For example, monetary financing of the fiscal deficit."

          Wasn't Keynes a "serious" economist? Monetary financing of the fiscal deficit was his idea 80 years ago. Today's economists are just getting the message.

          likbez said...

          There is no and never has been "economics". Only political economy. That means that neoliberal "Flat Earth Theories" will be enforced, by force if necessary.

          greg said...

          Pathetic half measures. No need to question any of the fundamental assumptions underlying the whole sorry mess, eh? Like what is money, really? Or: How does the production of the various sectors actually combine to create value in the whole economy?

          Matt Young said...

          Macroeconomists are not up to speed? How long has this been going on? Ever since the Kanosian dandy from England. Sick, sick and fraudulent science.

          RC AKA Darryl, Ron said in reply to djb...

          That is a good start. You just need to get the context switch straight and then you may find yourself in an epiphany (metaphorically speaking). Likbez up thread touches another live wire, but lacks faith in democratic alternatives. Shocking!

          Larry said...

          No mention of the end of the ZLB? Of NGDP targeting? Of the missing trade-off between inflation and unemployment? Of the abject failures of governments/CBs to respond to the crisis and restore normal times? Of new levers such as reverse repos, QE and IoER? Maybe the excerpt was ill-chosen...

          Davis X. Machina said in reply to Larry...

          "Of the abject failures of governments/CBs to respond to the crisis and restore normal times?"

          "Normal" for whom, and at whose expense?

          Squint just right, and this *is* normal.

          Paine said...

          Blanchard is a pro system guy. A maintainer not a disrupter. When he lauds the thousand schools cacophony, it's simply to spread caution about government macro engineering

          We've recently learned doing the right sorts of interventions but too cautiously.
          Works more like " Let the markets correct themselves "

          We need to isolate those who try by various means to minimize state intervention

          ... ... ...

          [Sep 26, 2015] Full text of Pope Francis speech before Congress

          Notable quotes:
          "... A political society endures when it seeks, as a vocation, to satisfy common needs by stimulating the growth of all its members, especially those in situations of greater vulnerability or risk. ..."
          "... All of us are quite aware of, and deeply worried by, the disturbing social and political situation of the world today. Our world is increasingly a place of violent conflict, hatred and brutal atrocities, committed even in the name of God and of religion. ..."
          "... We are asked to summon the courage and the intelligence to resolve today's many geopolitical and economic crises. Even in the developed world, the effects of unjust structures and actions are all too apparent. ..."
          "... If politics must truly be at the service of the human person, it follows that it cannot be a slave to the economy and finance. ..."
          "... At the risk of oversimplifying, we might say that we live in a culture which pressures young people not to start a family, because they lack possibilities for the future. Yet this same culture presents others with so many options that they too are dissuaded from starting a family ..."
          Sep 26, 2015 | UPI.com

          ... ... ...

          Each son or daughter of a given country has a mission, a personal and social responsibility. Your own responsibility as members of Congress is to enable this country, by your legislative activity, to grow as a nation. You are the face of its people, their representatives. You are called to defend and preserve the dignity of your fellow citizens in the tireless and demanding pursuit of the common good, for this is the chief aim of all politics. A political society endures when it seeks, as a vocation, to satisfy common needs by stimulating the growth of all its members, especially those in situations of greater vulnerability or risk. Legislative activity is always based on care for the people. To this you have been invited, called and convened by those who elected you.

          ... ... ...

          All of us are quite aware of, and deeply worried by, the disturbing social and political situation of the world today. Our world is increasingly a place of violent conflict, hatred and brutal atrocities, committed even in the name of God and of religion. We know that no religion is immune from forms of individual delusion or ideological extremism. This means that we must be especially attentive to every type of fundamentalism, whether religious or of any other kind. A delicate balance is required to combat violence perpetrated in the name of a religion, an ideology or an economic system, while also safeguarding religious freedom, intellectual freedom and individual freedoms. But there is another temptation which we must especially guard against: the simplistic reductionism which sees only good or evil; or, if you will, the righteous and sinners. The contemporary world, with its open wounds which affect so many of our brothers and sisters, demands that we confront every form of polarization which would divide it into these two camps. We know that in the attempt to be freed of the enemy without, we can be tempted to feed the enemy within. To imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place. That is something which you, as a people, reject.

          ...We are asked to summon the courage and the intelligence to resolve today's many geopolitical and economic crises. Even in the developed world, the effects of unjust structures and actions are all too apparent. Our efforts must aim at restoring hope, righting wrongs, maintaining commitments and thus promoting the well-being of individuals and of peoples. We must move forward together, as one, in a renewed spirit of fraternity and solidarity, cooperating generously for the common good.

          The challenges facing us today call for a renewal of that spirit of cooperation, which has accomplished so much good throughout the history of the United States. The complexity, the gravity and the urgency of these challenges demand that we pool our resources and talents, and resolve to support one another, with respect for our differences and our convictions of conscience.

          In this land, the various religious denominations have greatly contributed to building and strengthening society. It is important that today, as in the past, the voice of faith continue to be heard, for it is a voice of fraternity and love, which tries to bring out the best in each person and in each society. Such cooperation is a powerful resource in the battle to eliminate new global forms of slavery, born of grave injustices which can be overcome only through new policies and new forms of social consensus.

          ...If politics must truly be at the service of the human person, it follows that it cannot be a slave to the economy and finance. Politics is, instead, an expression of our compelling need to live as one, in order to build as one the greatest common good: that of a community which sacrifices particular interests in order to share, in justice and peace, its goods, its interests, its social life. I do not underestimate the difficulty that this involves, but I encourage you in this effort.

          ... ... ...

          The fight against poverty and hunger must be fought constantly and on many fronts, especially in its causes. I know that many Americans today, as in the past, are working to deal with this problem.

          It goes without saying that part of this great effort is the creation and distribution of wealth. The right use of natural resources, the proper application of technology and the harnessing of the spirit of enterprise are essential elements of an economy which seeks to be modern, inclusive and sustainable. "Business is a noble vocation, directed to producing wealth and improving the world. It can be a fruitful source of prosperity for the area in which it operates, especially if it sees the creation of jobs as an essential part of its service to the common good" (Laudato Si', 129). This common good also includes the earth, a central theme of the encyclical which I recently wrote in order to "enter into dialogue with all people about our common home" (ibid., 3). "We need a conversation which includes everyone, since the environmental challenge we are undergoing, and its human roots, concern and affect us all" (ibid., 14).

          In Laudato Si', I call for a courageous and responsible effort to "redirect our steps" (ibid., 61), and to avert the most serious effects of the environmental deterioration caused by human activity. I am convinced that we can make a difference and I have no doubt that the United States – and this Congress – have an important role to play. Now is the time for courageous actions and strategies, aimed at implementing a "culture of care" (ibid., 231) and "an integrated approach to combating poverty, restoring dignity to the excluded, and at the same time protecting nature" (ibid., 139). "We have the freedom needed to limit and direct technology" (ibid., 112); "to devise intelligent ways of . . . developing and limiting our power" (ibid., 78); and to put technology "at the service of another type of progress, one which is healthier, more human, more social, more integral" (ibid., 112). In this regard, I am confident that America's outstanding academic and research institutions can make a vital contribution in the years ahead.

          ... ... ...

          ...At the risk of oversimplifying, we might say that we live in a culture which pressures young people not to start a family, because they lack possibilities for the future. Yet this same culture presents others with so many options that they too are dissuaded from starting a family.

          ... ... ...

          [Sep 24, 2015] Don Quijones: Uruguay Does Unthinkable, Rejects TISA and Global Corporatocracy

          Notable quotes:
          "... 1.TiSA would "lock in" the privatization of services – even in cases where private service delivery has failed – meaning governments can never return water, energy, health, education or other services to public hands. ..."
          "... 2.TiSA would restrict signatory governments' right to regulate stronger standards in the public's interest. For example, it will affect environmental regulations, licensing of health facilities and laboratories, waste disposal centres, power plants, school and university accreditation and broadcast licenses. ..."
          "... 3.TiSA would limit the ability of governments to regulate the financial services industry, at a time when the global economy is still struggling to recover from a crisis caused primarily by financial deregulation. More specifically, if signed the trade agreement would: ..."
          "... 4. TiSA would ban any restrictions on cross-border information flows and localization requirements for ICT service providers. A provision proposed by US negotiators would rule out any conditions for the transfer of personal data to third countries that are currently in place in EU data protection law. In other words, multinational corporations will have carte blanche to pry into just about every facet of the working and personal lives of the inhabitants of roughly a quarter of the world's 200-or-so nations. ..."
          "... 5. Finally, TiSA, together with its sister treaties TPP and TTIP, would establish a new global enclosure system, one that seeks to impose on all 52 signatory governments a rigid framework of international corporate law designed to exclusively protect the interests of corporations, relieving them of financial risk and social and environmental responsibility. In short, it would hammer the final nail in the already bedraggled coffin of national sovereignty. ..."
          "... So, not to be snarky or anything but when does the invasion of Uruguay begin. ..."
          "... In the US, corporations largely have replaced government since WWII or so, or at least pretend to offer the services that a government might provide. ..."
          "... Neoliberalism that we have now as a dominant social system is a flavor of corporatism. If so, it is corporations which now represent the most politically powerful actors. They literally rule the country. And it is they who select the president, most congressmen and Senators. Try to ask yourself a question: to what political force Barak "change we can believe in" Obama serves. ..."
          "... "And the banks - hard to believe in a time when we're facing a banking crisis that many of the banks created - are still the most powerful lobby on Capitol Hill. And they frankly own the place" ..."
          "... This is such a huge, huge, vital issue. Privatisation of public assets has to rank as one of the highest crimes at the government level. It is treason, perhaps the only crime for which i wouldn't object capital punishment. ..."
          "... What's more, we now have some 40 years of data showing that privatisation doesn't work. surely, we can organise and successfully argue that privatisation has never worked for any country any time. There needs to be an intellectual assault on privatisation discrediting it forever. ..."
          Sep 24, 2015 | www.nakedcapitalism.com
          Posted on September 23, 2015 by Lambert Strether

          Lambert here: A little good news on the trade front, and a victory for open discussion and critical thinking.

          By Don Quijones, Spain & Mexico, editor at Wolf Street. Originally published at Wolf Street.

          Often referred to as the Switzerland of South America, Uruguay is long accustomed to doing things its own way. It was the first nation in Latin America to establish a welfare state. It also has an unusually large middle class for the region and unlike its giant neighbors to the north and west, Brazil and Argentina, is largely free of serious income inequality.

          Two years ago, during José Mujica's presidency, Uruguay became the first nation to legalize marijuana in Latin America, a continent that is being ripped apart by drug trafficking and its associated violence and corruption of state institutions.

          Now Uruguay has done something that no other semi-aligned nation on this planet has dared to do: it has rejected the advances of the global corporatocracy.

          The Treaty That Must Not Be Named

          Earlier this month Uruguay's government decided to end its participation in the secret negotiations of the Trade in Services Agreement (TISA). After months of intense pressure led by unions and other grassroots movements that culminated in a national general strike on the issue – the first of its kind around the globe – the Uruguayan President Tabare Vazquez bowed to public opinion and left the US-led trade agreement.

          Despite – or more likely because of – its symbolic importance, Uruguay's historic decision has been met by a wall of silence. Beyond the country's borders, mainstream media has refused to cover the story.

          This is hardly a surprise given that the global public is not supposed to even know about TiSA's existence, despite – or again because of – the fact that it's arguably the most important of the new generation of global trade agreements. According to WikiLeaks, it "is the largest component of the United States' strategic 'trade' treaty triumvirate," which also includes the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the TransAtlantic Trade and Investment Pact (TTIP).

          TiSA involves more countries than TTIP and TPP combined: The United States and all 28 members of the European Union, Australia, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Hong Kong, Iceland, Israel, Japan, Liechtenstein, Mexico, New Zealand, Norway, Pakistan, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, South Korea, Switzerland, Taiwan and Turkey.

          Together, these 52 nations form the charmingly named "Really Good Friends of Services" group, which represents almost 70% of all trade in services worldwide. Until its government's recent u-turn Uruguay was supposed to be the 53rd Good Friend of Services.

          TiSA Trailer

          TiSA has spent the last two years taking shape behind the hermetically sealed doors of highly secure locations around the world. According to the agreement's provisional text, the document is supposed to remain confidential and concealed from public view for at least five years after being signed. Even the World Trade Organization has been sidelined from negotiations.

          But thanks to whistle blowing sites like WikiLeaks, the Associated Whistleblowing Press and Filtrala, crucial details have seeped to the surface. Here's a brief outline of what is known to date (for more specifics click here, here and here):

          1.TiSA would "lock in" the privatization of services – even in cases where private service delivery has failed – meaning governments can never return water, energy, health, education or other services to public hands.

          2.TiSA would restrict signatory governments' right to regulate stronger standards in the public's interest. For example, it will affect environmental regulations, licensing of health facilities and laboratories, waste disposal centres, power plants, school and university accreditation and broadcast licenses.

          3.TiSA would limit the ability of governments to regulate the financial services industry, at a time when the global economy is still struggling to recover from a crisis caused primarily by financial deregulation. More specifically, if signed the trade agreement would:

          • Restrict the ability of governments to place limits on the trading of derivative contracts - the largely unregulated weapons of mass financial destruction that helped trigger the 2007-08 Global Financial Crisis.
          • Bar new financial regulations that do not conform to deregulatory rules. Signatory governments will essentially agree not to apply new financial policy measures which in any way contradict the agreement's emphasis on deregulatory measures.
          • Prohibit national governments from using capital controls to prevent or mitigate financial crises. The leaked texts prohibit restrictions on financial inflows – used to prevent rapid currency appreciation, asset bubbles and other macroeconomic problems – and financial outflows, used to prevent sudden capital flight in times of crisis.
          • Require acceptance of financial products not yet invented. Despite the pivotal role that new, complex financial products played in the Financial Crisis, TISA would require governments to allow all new financial products and services, including ones not yet invented, to be sold within their territories.

          4. TiSA would ban any restrictions on cross-border information flows and localization requirements for ICT service providers. A provision proposed by US negotiators would rule out any conditions for the transfer of personal data to third countries that are currently in place in EU data protection law. In other words, multinational corporations will have carte blanche to pry into just about every facet of the working and personal lives of the inhabitants of roughly a quarter of the world's 200-or-so nations.

          As I wrote in LEAKED: Secret Negotiations to Let Big Brother Go Global, if TiSA is signed in its current form – and we will not know exactly what that form is until at least five years down the line – our personal data will be freely bought and sold on the open market place without our knowledge; companies and governments will be able to store it for as long as they desire and use it for just about any purpose.

          5. Finally, TiSA, together with its sister treaties TPP and TTIP, would establish a new global enclosure system, one that seeks to impose on all 52 signatory governments a rigid framework of international corporate law designed to exclusively protect the interests of corporations, relieving them of financial risk and social and environmental responsibility. In short, it would hammer the final nail in the already bedraggled coffin of national sovereignty.

          A Dangerous Precedent

          Given its small size (population: 3.4 million) and limited geopolitical or geo-economic clout, Uruguay's withdrawal from TiSA is unlikely to upset the treaty's advancement. The governments of the major trading nations will continue their talks behind closed doors and away from the prying eyes of the people they are supposed to represent. The U.S. Congress has already agreed to grant the Obama administration fast-track approval on trade agreements like TiSA while the European Commission can be expected to do whatever the corporatocracy demands.

          However, as the technology writer Glyn Moody notes, Uruguay's defection – like the people of Iceland's refusal to assume all the debts of its rogue banks – possesses a tremendous symbolic importance:

          It says that, yes, it is possible to withdraw from global negotiations, and that the apparently irreversible trade deal ratchet can actually be turned back. It sets an important precedent that other nations with growing doubts about TISA – or perhaps TPP – can look to and maybe even follow.

          Naturally, the representatives of Uruguay's largest corporations would agree to disagree. The government's move was one of its biggest mistakes of recent years, according to Gabriel Oddone, an analyst with the financial consultancy firm CPA Ferrere. It was based on a "superficial discussion of the treaty's implications."

          What Oddone conveniently fails to mention is that Uruguay is the only nation on the planet that has had any kind of public discussion, superficial or not, about TiSA and its potentially game-changing implications. Perhaps it's time that changed.

          The timing could not have been worse.

          Read Is Brazil About to Drag Down Spain's Biggest Bank?

          Selected Skeptical Comments

          ella, September 23, 2015 at 9:28 am

          So, not to be snarky or anything but when does the invasion of Uruguay begin. Wondering: don't they want to pay $750.00 per pill for what cost $13.85 the day before? Aren't they interested in predatory capitalism? What is going on down there?

          Jim Haygood, September 23, 2015 at 12:17 pm

          Most symbolic is that the eighth round of multilateral trade negotiations under GATT (now WTO) kicked off in Punta del Este, Uruguay in Sep. 1986.

          It went into effect in 1995, and is still known as the Uruguay Round.

          susan the other, September 23, 2015 at 1:21 pm

          And will international corporations issue their own fiat; pass their own laws; and prosecute their own genocide? Contrary to their group hallucinations, corporations cannot replace government. And clearly, somebody forgot to tell them that capitalism, corporatism, cannot survive without growth. The only growth they will achieve is raiding other corporations. They are more powerless and vulnerable than they ever want to admit.

          hunkerdown, September 23, 2015 at 8:13 pm

          And will international corporations issue their own fiat; pass their own laws; and prosecute their own genocide?

          Sure. There's prior art. Company scrip, substance "abuse" policies, and Bhopal (for a bit different definition of "prosecute").

          In the US, corporations largely have replaced government since WWII or so, or at least pretend to offer the services that a government might provide.


          likbez, September 24, 2015 at 10:54 pm

          They are more powerless and vulnerable than they ever want to admit.

          You are dreaming. Neoliberalism that we have now as a dominant social system is a flavor of corporatism. If so, it is corporations which now represent the most politically powerful actors. They literally rule the country. And it is they who select the president, most congressmen and Senators. Try to ask yourself a question: to what political force Barak "change we can believe in" Obama serves.

          As Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) aptly noted:

          "And the banks - hard to believe in a time when we're facing a banking crisis that many of the banks created - are still the most powerful lobby on Capitol Hill. And they frankly own the place"

          gordon, September 23, 2015 at 9:03 pm

          The TISA has a history. It's really just a continuation of the MAI treaty which the OECD failed to conclude back in the 1990s.

          https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Multilateral_Agreement_on_Investment

          Joe, September 24, 2015 at 2:38 am

          What I don't get is why all those countries want to sign up to these agreements. I can see what is in it for the US elites, but how does it help these smaller countries?

          likbez, September 24, 2015 at 10:43 pm

          Elites of those small countries are now transnational. So in a way they represent the fifth column of globalization. That explains their position: own profit stands before interests of the country.

          vidimi, September 24, 2015 at 4:19 am

          This is such a huge, huge, vital issue. Privatisation of public assets has to rank as one of the highest crimes at the government level. It is treason, perhaps the only crime for which i wouldn't object capital punishment.

          What's more, we now have some 40 years of data showing that privatisation doesn't work. surely, we can organise and successfully argue that privatisation has never worked for any country any time. There needs to be an intellectual assault on privatisation discrediting it forever.

          [Sep 19, 2015] A Knee-Jerk Free Trader Response is Faith-Based

          "...Many of the conditions under which free trade between nations is guaranteed to be desirable are unlikely to hold in practice."
          .
          "...All conservative economics is faith based (along with everything else they believe). Delusional is another good descriptor."
          .
          "...Fair trade might actually be a good thing, but that is not what "Free trade" generally means. Mostly it means freedom for capital, chains for labor, and devastation for the environment."
          Dani Rodrik:
          Trade within versus between nations: ...economics does not offer unconditional policy prescriptions. Every graduate student learns that depending on the background specifications, any policy x can be good or bad. A minimum wage can lower or raise employment (depending on whether employers have monopsony power); a natural resource discovery can raise or lower growth (depending on the likelihood of the Dutch disease); fiscal consolidation can expand or contract output (depending on the respective strengths of expectational versus Keynesian effects). And yes, the dictum that free trade benefits a nation depends on a long list of qualifying conditions.
          So the proper response to the question "is free trade good?" is, as always, "it depends." When an economist says "I support free trade" s/he must mean that s/he judges the circumstances under which free trade would not be desirable to be very rare or unlikely to obtain in the context at hand.
          Many of the conditions under which free trade between nations is guaranteed to be desirable are unlikely to hold in practice. Market imperfections, returns to scale, macro imbalances, absence of first-best policy instruments are ubiquitous in the real world, particularly in the developing world on which I spend most of my time. This does not guarantee that import restrictions will be necessarily desirable. There are many ways in which governments can screw up, even when they mean well. But it does mean that a knee-jerk free trader response is faith-based rather than science-based. ...

          [He goes on to answer a question about differential support for trade within nations versus trade between nations.]

          Posted by Mark Thoma on Friday, September 18, 2015 at 10:50 AM in Economics, International Trade, Market Failure | Permalink Comments (16)


          pgl

          "economics does not offer unconditional policy prescriptions. Every graduate student learns that depending on the background specifications, any policy x can be good or bad."

          Thank you Dani! This statement holds in general but in particular on the issue of free trade. I've loved his old post where he admitted he had to endure a class taught by William Kristol and Kristol gave this brilliant man only a C.

          DrDick

          All conservative economics is faith based (along with everything else they believe). Delusional is another good descriptor.

          DrDick -> Paine ...

          Fair trade might actually be a good thing, but that is not what "Free trade" generally means. Mostly it means freedom for capital, chains for labor, and devastation for the environment.

          Stubborn1:

          About the fact that economists do not offer unconditional policy prescriptions, especially when it comes to free trade and "the dictum that free trade benefits a nation depends on a long list of qualifying conditions". One thing I have to strenuously say about that: BULLSHALONEY!

          All I heard in my econ classes were the benefits of free trade. EVERYONE drank the kool aid! I even had a prof who had worked in the Council of Economic Advisors and his role was to review trade policies. He told us flat out he would ALWAYS ALWAYS ALWAYS support any and all free trade agreements that came up, without ANY regard to damage done to domestic firms and/or workers. Paul Krugman wrote one of our text books which, like many econ textbooks at the time, had WHOLE chapters dedicated to debunking free trade myths! Now you are going to tell me that economists never take a stand on a policy position as being good or bad?! ARE YOU KIDDING?

          Pgl I have seen you post and have agreed with you many times, but not on this one, hell no!


          MacAuley -> Stubborn1...

          You are so right, Stubborn1. I have taken at least six international econ courses, and in every case the prof was strongly in favor of "free trade", usually the more the merrier. Last year, as a refresher I took an internet Int'l Econ course at "Marginal Revolution University", which was surprisingly good except for the relentless free-trade propaganda.

          Kenneth said...

          Friday, May 15th, 2015, "Details of President Barack Obama's proposed trade deal, the Trans Pacific Partnership, have been kept secret, and the deal itself is kept in a locked room guarded by men with guns, with members of Congress having to schedule an appointment and jump through hoops just to actually read the massive proposed treaty.
          Let me tell you what you have to do to read this agreement. Follow this: You can only take a few of your staffers who happen to have a security clearance, because - God knows why - this is secure. This is classified. It's nothing to do with defense," said Boxer.

          Boxer then described how she was forced to turn over her cell phone and was prevented from even taking notes while looking over the 800-plus page trade treaty.

          "So I go down with my staff that I could get to go with me, and as soon as I get there, the guard says to me, 'Hand over your electronics. Okay. I give over my electronics. Then the guard says, 'You can't take notes.' I said, 'I cannot take notes?'" said Boxer.

          Some have taken to calling the TPP treaty "Obamatrade," in reference to the secretive nature in which Obamacare was written and how then-House Majority Leader Nancy Pelosi infamously claimed, "We have to pass it to find out what's in it."
          At the heart of the TPP is something referred to as a "living agreement provision," which means the treaty can be amended or changed at any time after it is ratified, without congressional approval, essentially handing over U.S. sovereignty and subjugating U.S. businesses and workers to international laws, according to CNS News.

          While this treaty is being promoted as being about FREE TRADE, it is really just a massive corporatist agreement that gives increased authority to major international corporations, which will hurt both American labor unions and small businesses.

          Conservatives need to look past the pleasant sounding platitudes put forward by the Establishment Republicans who are supporting this massive secret deal that only benefits major international corporations, and (gulp) team up with socialists like Sen. Elizabeth Warren to kill this deal, which will only hurt America in the long run.

          It's sole purpose is to "level the playing field" - which means taking America down to the same level as everyone else."
          http://conservativetribune.com/senator-reveals-obama-deal/

          Second Best -> Kenneth...

          'At the heart of the TPP is something referred to as a "living agreement provision," which means the treaty can be amended or changed at any time after it is ratified, without congressional approval, essentially handing over U.S. sovereignty and subjugating U.S. businesses and workers to international laws, according to CNS News.'

          ---

          what's new, this is SOP in the U.S., don't bother to read the fine print, it's out of date before the ink is dry, like hospitals that don't accept same day payment on site, then submit individual bills showing up months later from every damn person within 50 ft of the patient and refuse to confirm if there's more

          and Scott Walker is busting up unions with right to work laws so labor can have the same power under a 'living agreement' as hospitals to charge for services provided.

          MacAuley -> Kenneth...

          Kenneth,
          It's not accurate to call TPP "Obamatrade" since the concept was developed and fleshed out in 2007 and 2008 under the Bush Administration. Most of the work was managed at the SES level, since the Bush Administration was pretty lame-duck by then and most of the political appointees were looking for jobs. But the Bush Administration at the cabinet level gave approval for the exploratory discussions and conceptual analysis of a TPP.

          By the time Obama arrived in 2009 there was a coherent TPP initiative ready for the Obama Administration to consider. I doubt that Obama had heard of TPP before he came to Washington, but it wasn't long before the Obama Administration decided to go forward with it.

          Paine said...

          Dani is a source of wisdom and shrewdness
          A combo rarely combined in one head

          ... ... ...

          [Sep 18, 2015] I would summarize the Keynesian view in terms of four points

          I would summarize the Keynesian view in terms of four points:
          1. Economies sometimes produce much less than they could, and employ many fewer workers than they should, because there just isn't enough spending. Such episodes can happen for a variety of reasons; the question is how to respond.
          2. There are normally forces that tend to push the economy back toward full employment. But they work slowly; a hands-off policy toward depressed economies means accepting a long, unnecessary period of pain.
          3. It is often possible to drastically shorten this period of pain and greatly reduce the human and financial losses by "printing money", using the central bank's power of currency creation to push interest rates down.
          4. Sometimes, however, monetary policy loses its effectiveness, especially when rates are close to zero. In that case temporary deficit spending can provide a useful boost. And conversely, fiscal austerity in a depressed economy imposes large economic losses.
          Is this a complicated, convoluted doctrine? ...
          But strange things happen in the minds of critics. Again and again we see the following bogus claims about what Keynesians believe:
          B1: Any economic recovery, no matter how slow and how delayed, proves Keynesian economics wrong. See [2] above for why that's illiterate.
          B2: Keynesians believe that printing money solves all problems. See [3]: printing money can solve one specific problem, an economy operating far below capacity. Nobody said that it can conjure up higher productivity, or cure the common cold.
          B3: Keynesians always favor deficit spending, under all conditions. See [4]: The case for fiscal stimulus is quite restrictive, requiring both a depressed economy and severe limits to monetary policy. That just happens to be the world we've been living in lately.
          I have no illusions that saying this obvious stuff will stop the usual suspects from engaging in the usual bogosity. But maybe this will help others respond when they do.

          I would add:

          5. Keynesian are not opposed to supply-side, growth enhancing policy. They types of taxes that are imposed matters, entrepreneurial activity should be encouraged, and so on. But these arguments should not be used as cover for redistribution of income to the wealthy through tax cuts and other means, or as a means of arguing for cuts to important social service programs. Not should they be used only to support tax cuts. Infrastructure spending is important for growth, an educated, healthy workforce is more productive, etc., etc. Economic growth is about much more than tax cuts for wealthy political donors.

          On the other side, I would have added a point to B3:

          B3a: Keynesians do not favor large government. They believe that deficits should be used to stimulate the economy in severe recessions (when monetary policy alone is not enough), but they also believe that the deficits should be paid for during good times (shave the peaks to fill the troughs and stabilize the path of GDP and employment). We haven't been very good at the pay for it during good times part, but Democrats can hardly be blamed for that (see tax cuts for the wealthy for openers).

          Anything else, e.g. perhaps something like "Keynesians do not believe that helping people in need undermines their desire to work"?

          Axel Merk Warns Investors Are In For A Rude Awakening Zero Hedge


          LawsofPhysics

          LOL! Almost. You really think that growth can continue forever and ever in a biosphere with finite resources?

          Tell us another fairytale and good luck with that!

          But yes, let the truly insolvent fucks and worthless fucks go to the guillotine already!

          Bro of the Sorrowful

          using metrics in economics and applying mathamatical formulas to quantify all aspects of the economy has been a major and far reaching disaster. none worse, perhaps with the exception of unemployment and inflation, than the totally fraudulent metric "GDP". youll notice in von mises' magnum opus human action that there is not a single formula.

          were it not for the measurement of the ambiguous "GDP", we would not be so concerned with growth.

          pods

          We sure as hell would be concerned with growth.

          Expansion is what is required by our monetary system.

          That is why inflation of 2% is "stable prices" and everyone and their mother talks about growth.

          Fraction reserve currency requires expansion (exponential) to function.

          No growth=no currency system.

          That is why sustainability is a no go right out of the gate.

          pods

          Bro of the Sorrowful Figure's picture

          i was speaking more of an ideal world in which we would be operating under a sound monetary system. my problem with using economic metrics for everything is that it takes the focus off of real problems and gives huge power to the international banking cartel by allowing them to manipulate the numbers without end. we start from a false monetary system, then apply a metric system based on false logic to justify that monetary system, while also making those metrics esoteric enough that the average person simply stops paying attention or freezes up when such metrics are mentioned. that way the economy can be absolute shit, with obvious signs to anyone with eyes, and yet your average person will still say, well GDP is up and unemployment is down so things must be good.

          Harry Balzak

          Are you implying that reality exists without accounting?

          Blasphemy! Burn him!

          [Sep 14, 2015] Conceptual pitfalls and monetary policy errors VOX, CEPR's Policy Portal by Andrew Levin

          September 11, 2015 | voxeu.org

          The conventional unemployment rate (U3) is now close to assessments of its longer-run normal level, but other dimensions of labour market slack remain elevated:

          • U3 does not reflect the incidence of hidden unemployment, namely, about 2½ million Americans who are not actively searching for work but are likely to rejoin the labour force as the economy strengthens; and
          • U3 does not incorporate the extent of underemployment (individuals working part-time who are unable to find a full-time job), which remains significantly higher than its pre-recession level.

          Thus, the 'true' unemployment rate – including hidden unemployment and underemployment –currently stands at around 7¼%, and the total magnitude of the US employment gap is equivalent to around 3½ million full-time jobs.

          • Non-farm payrolls have been expanding at a solid pace, but that pace will need to be maintained for about two more years in order to close the employment gap.

          In particular, recent analysis indicates that the potential labour force is expanding by about 50,000 individuals per month due to demographic factors. Thus, if non-farm payrolls continue rising steadily by about 200,000 jobs per month (the average pace over the past six months), then the employment gap will diminish next year and be eliminated in mid-2017. By contrast, a tightening of monetary conditions would cause the economic recovery to decelerate and the pace of payroll growth might well drop below 100,000 jobs per month, in which case the employment gap would barely shrink at all.

          The contours of the inflation outlook

          The FOMC has established an inflation goal of 2%, as measured by the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index. Its recent communications have stated that the tightening process will commence once the FOMC is "reasonably confident" that inflation will move back to the 2% objective over the medium term.

          • It seems unwise for such a crucial policy decision to place so much weight on the FOMC's inflation outlook and little or no weight on the observed path of wages and prices.
          • FOMC participants' inflation forecasts over the past few years have proven to be persistently overoptimistic (see Figure 1).

          Figure 1. The recent evolution of core PCE inflation

          Note: In this figure, the core PCE inflation rate is given by the four-quarter average change in the PCE price index excluding food and energy, and the FOMC's outlook is given by the midpoint of the central tendency of core PCE inflation projections, as published in the FOMC Summary of Economic Projections (SEP) at each specified date.

          For example, in early 2013, when core PCE inflation was running at about 1½%, FOMC participants generally anticipated that it would rise to nearly 2% over the course of 2014 and 2015, whereas in fact it has declined to around 1.2%. Indeed, its underlying trend has been drifting steadily downward since the onset of the last recession.

          • Despite some recent suggestions to the contrary, there is a strong empirical linkage between the growth of nominal wages and the level of the employment gap.

          Moreover, as shown in my recent joint work with Danny Blanchflower, the wage curve exhibits some flattening at high levels of labour market slack, which explains why nominal wage growth has remained subdued over the past few years even as the employment gap has declined from its post-recession peak (see Figure 2). This empirical pattern also implies that the pace of nominal wage growth is likely to pick up somewhat over coming quarters as the employment gap declines further.

          Figure 2. The wage curve

          Note: In this figure, each dot denotes the pace of nominal wage growth (as measured by the 12-month change in the average hourly earnings of production and non-supervisory workers) and the average level of the employment gap (including hidden unemployment and underemployment) for each calendar year from 1985 to 2014 and for August 2015 (the latest BLS employment report).

          Gauging the stance of monetary policy

          Fed officials have recently characterised the current stance of monetary policy as "extremely accommodative." Such characterisations may be helpful in motivating the onset of "policy normalisation" but seem inconsistent with professional forecasters' assessments of the equilibrium real interest rate and with the implications of simple benchmark rules.

          The distance between the current federal funds rate and its longer-run normal level depends crucially on the magnitude of the equilibrium real interest rate.

          • Most FOMC participants have projected the longer-run normal rate to be about 3¾%, consistent with an equilibrium real rate only slightly lower than its historical average of about 2%.

          Over the past few years professional forecasters have made substantial downward revisions to their assessments of the 'new normal' level of interest rates.

          • Surveys conducted by the Philadelphia Fed indicate that professional forecasters expect short-term nominal interest rates to be around 2¾% in 2018 and to remain at that level on average over the next ten years, corresponding to an equilibrium real interest rate of only ¾%.

          Such revisions presumably reflect the downgrading of the outlook for potential output growth as well as prospects for headwinds to aggregate demand persisting well into the future.

          • If professional forecasters' assessments are roughly correct, then the current funds rate is by no means extremely accommodative.

          In June 2012, then-Vice Chair Yellen noted that "simple rules provide a useful starting point for determining appropriate policy" while emphasising that such rules cannot be followed mechanically. That speech considered the Taylor (1993) rule along with an alternative rule analysed by Taylor (1999) that Yellen described as "more consistent with the FOMC's commitment to follow a balanced approach." Thus, it is instructive to evaluate each of these simple rules using the current core PCE inflation rate (which is 1.2%), the CBO's current assessment of the output gap (3.1%), and professional forecasters' consensus estimate of the equilibrium real interest rate (r* = 0.75).

          • Using these values, the Taylor rule prescribes a funds rate of 0.1%, exactly in line with the FOMC's current target range of 0 to 0.25%; and
          • The Taylor (1999) rule prescribes a funds rate well below zero (-1.4%).

          Neither of these two benchmarks calls for a tighter stance of policy. Indeed, the 'balanced approach' rule preferred by Yellen (2012) indicates that macroeconomic conditions will not warrant the initiation of monetary policy tightening until sometime next year.

          Assessing the balance of risks

          Over the past 18 months, FOMC statements have regularly characterised the balance of risks to the economic outlook as "nearly balanced." Of course, that assessment has recently come into question due to a bout of financial market volatility in conjunction with shifting prospects for major foreign economies (most notably China).

          Regardless of how financial markets may evolve in the near term, however, it seems clear that the balance of risks remains far from symmetric. If the US economy were to encounter a severe adverse shock within the next few years (whether economic, financial, or geopolitical in nature), would the FOMC have sufficient capacity to mitigate the negative consequences for economic activity and stem a downward drift of inflation?

          For example, if safe-haven flows caused a steep drop in Treasury yields along with a sharp widening of risk spreads, would a new round of QE still be feasible or effective? Alternatively, would the Federal Reserve implement measures to push short-term nominal rates below zero, as some other central banks have done recently?

          In the absence of satisfactory answers to such questions, it is essential for the FOMC to maintain a highly accommodative stance of monetary policy as long as needed to ensure that labour market slack is fully eliminated and that inflation moves back upward to its 2% goal. Such a strategy will help strengthen the resilience of the US economy in facing any adverse shocks that may lie ahead.

          Concluding remarks

          The FOMC's near-term strategy has become so opaque that even the most seasoned analysts can only guess what policy decisions may be forthcoming at its upcoming meetings. Moreover, the FOMC has provided no information at all (apart from the phrase "likely to be gradual") about how its policy stance will be adjusted over time in response to evolving macroeconomic conditions.

          Unfortunately, such opacity is likely to exacerbate economic and financial uncertainty and hinder the effectiveness of monetary policy in fostering the goals of maximum employment and price stability. Therefore, it is imperative for the FOMC to formulate a systematic monetary policy strategy and to explain that strategy clearly in its public communications.

          References

          • Blanchflower, D G and A T Levin (2015), "Labor Market Slack and Monetary Policy," NBER Working Paper No. 21094.
          • Federal Reserve (2015), "Minutes of the Federal Open Market Committee", 28-29 July 28-29.
          • Taylor, J B (1993), "Discretion Versus Policy Rules in Practice", Carnegie-Rochester Series on Public Policy 39, pp. 195-214 (also released as SIEPR Publication No. 327, November 1992).
          • Taylor, J B (1999), "An Historical Analysis of Monetary Policy Rules", in J. B. Taylor (ed.), Monetary Policy Rules, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press
          • Yellen, J L (2012), "Perspectives on Monetary Policy", speech at the Boston Economic Club Dinner, Boston, MA, 6 June.

          [Sep 09, 2015] Neoclassical economic reforms were colossal failures

          "...The reason the Friedmanian era turned out to be vastly different from the Keynesian era was because the neoclassical economic reforms were colossal failures."
          "...Nothing in the history of the universe has failed more than neoclassical ideology. If one is to call that failure, one would have to redefined the word failure to include all other failures that pale by comparison. But according to the Medieval Barbers, their policies were a resounding success. Anyone who questions them is a philistine. Thankfully, these modern high priests aren't able to burn dissenters at the stake like their forebears. "
          "..."Krugan's free-trade ideology rhetoric shows he's more New Keynesian (neoclassical synthesis) than Keynesian. More neoliberal than liberal.""
          "...Modern Monetary Theology brought back pre-Keynesian boom-to-bust business cycles, drove down real incomes and the employment rate (now expect a decade before the economy can recover from a recession.) "
          "...China is in hot water because neoclassical reforms have killed demand in the Western economy. Its economy is founded on importing more and more Western jobs and manufacturing, not to mention GHG emissions. "

          EMichael said in reply to Ron Waller, September 07, 2015 at 09:52 AM

          I see no purpose in comparing the present with a period of time so vastly different from the present.

          Ron Waller said in reply to EMichael, September 07, 2015 at 10:27 AM

          Yes the laws of physics change every 35 years too.

          The reason the Friedmanian era turned out to be vastly different from the Keynesian era was because the neoclassical economic reforms were colossal failures.

          Tax cuts did not pay for themselves or create prosperity, they created skyrocketing government debt. Deregulation didn't create prosperity, but produced numerous disasters including financial meltdowns. Free-trade exported wealth and jobs and killed real income growth. Modern Monetary Theology brought back pre-Keynesian boom-to-bust business cycles, drove down real incomes and the employment rate (now expect a decade before the economy can recover from a recession.)

          Nothing in the history of the universe has failed more than neoclassical ideology. If one is to call that failure, one would have to redefined the word failure to include all other failures that pale by comparison.

          But according to the Medieval Barbers, their policies were a resounding success. Anyone who questions them is a philistine. Thankfully, these modern high priests aren't able to burn dissenters at the stake like their forebears.

          EMichael said in reply to Ron Waller, September 07, 2015 at 10:35 AM

          No, the Laws of Physics do not change.

          Economic facts do. Are you trying to state there has not been a sea change in the world economy since the post WWII era?

          Sorry, but Japan, China and Europe are an awful lot different than they were in 1950. And that is not saying that I disagree with everything you say. Actually, I agree with a lot of it.

          But thinking solutions lie in the policies of the 50s and 60s ignore that the problems that exist did not exist in the 50s and the 60s.

          Bruce Webb said in reply to EMichael, September 07, 2015 at 11:02 AM

          "But thinking solutions lie in the policies of the 50s and 60s ignore that the problems that exist did not exist in the 50s and the 60s."

          EMichael there is a logical hole here. I am not sure I disagree with you on the substance but there is a coherent argument that the problems that exist NOW are precisely BECAUSE of changes away from the polices of the 50s and 60s. And that the reason we didn't have the same problems then is that the policies prevented them. And that a change back to those policies would serve to ameliorate them.

          What you would need to do to rescue your argument is to prove that current problems could NOT have existed in the 50's and 60's, that there is something unique to today's problems that make them resistant to yesterday's solutions.

          I am not saying you couldn't do that. Merely that you haven't attempted it. Instead you present a circular argument. What EXACTLY about today's problems make them incurable by yesterday's solutions?

          EMichael said in reply to Bruce Webb, September 07, 2015 at 01:33 PM

          The main thing that did not exist in the US was competition for labor. Free trade is a marvelous thing when you are the only one selling.

          Take a look at trade balances from that period and the last couple of decades.

          You can almost trace the trade balance changes to the changes(or lack of changes) to the income of the vast majority of Americans.

          People in here(and myself) talk about the need for a tighter labor market. And we applaud the actions that create one. But I am almost totally committed to the idea that the only way to create a tight labor market is protectionism. We have to protect our workers.

          Of course there is a price to be paid, but I think the increased costs of some goods will be overwhelmed by the benefits to be gained by a tight labor market.

          Then again, we would be harming other countries trying to move into a industrialized state. But the last time I looked, none of them were helping me pay for SS; or Medicare; or education; or the keep the street lights working.

          I know it is not politically correct, but charity begins at home. Especially in a home which has seen such decline in only three or four decades.

          cm said in reply to Bruce Webb, September 08, 2015 at 09:51 AM

          Economic policy doesn't happen in a vacuum. Before the 90's there was no internet. There were its precursors of a sort, e.g. fax and data transmission over the phone, and computer networks/links based on that (90's comms technology existed but only in the lab or at the high end). In the post-WW2 decades, there weren't built out telephone networks at the national and international level, only few high end players could arrange to make instant international calls. Even electrification wasn't completed.

          This meant obviously more bottlenecks and more intermediation and control, barriers to globally distributed operations, and in addition everything happened at a slower speed.

          In addition most of the world, including large parts of Europe and the US, was agricultural or sparsely populated and un"developed".

          In the decades after, the "second" and "third" world invested big time in education and technological development. It really took off when international business logistics and global IT/telecom became ubiquitous, and "first world" companies eagerly "helped" build the offshore know-how.

          Ron Waller said in reply to EMichael, September 07, 2015 at 11:14 AM

          Generalizations don't identify any problems, provide any solutions, justify failed policies or rule out successful policies. Japan and Europe are in hot water because of bad economic policy. (Not demand-side Keynesian economic policy.)

          China is in hot water because neoclassical reforms have killed demand in the Western economy. Its economy is founded on importing more and more Western jobs and manufacturing, not to mention GHG emissions.

          It's only a matter of time before the entire house of cards collapses. Then people will be looking to the 1930s for policy solutions

          Peter K. said in reply to EMichael, September 07, 2015 at 01:27 PM

          I agree with the others. To say that the economy was different back then is to minimize the manner in which policy has changed for the worse.

          I don't think fundamentally the laws of economics have changed that much because of technology or globalization or vague "productivity changes."

          This is like being like Martin Feldstein who says we should be happy with what we got. No policy has changed much to the worse since the 1950s and 1960s. For one thing unions have been politically destroyed.

          EMichael said in reply to Peter K

          Not the laws of economics, the facts. Y'know the old Keynes thing(supposedly):

          "When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do, sir?"

          I'll give you one change.

          In the 70's China had almost no foreign exchange reserves. Now they have around $4 Trillion.

          That is a real fact. And the reasons behind it are obvious.

          Reply September 07, 2015 at 01:40 PM
          likbez said in reply to Ron Waller

          "Krugan's free-trade ideology rhetoric shows he's more New Keynesian (neoclassical synthesis) than Keynesian. More neoliberal than liberal."

          Very true. Thank you

          [Sep 07, 2015] The Thirty-Year Boom

          September 06, 2015 | Economist's View

          Part of an essay by David Warsh:

          ... For the old lions, Paul Samuelson and Milton Friedman, the '80s meant a bittersweet departure from the center stage of economics after forty years of dominating the scene. The two had entered their sixties; neither was out of steam. But the leaders of the next generation had become apparent: Lucas, in macroeconomics; Kenneth Arrow in nearly everything else.

          The election of Ronald Reagan was a triumph for Friedman; they had known each other since Friedman spent a quarter at the University of California at Los Angeles, shortly after Reagan had been elected Governor of California.He was invited to lecture in China. And the international success of Free to Choose kept Friedman in the public eye.

          But Paul Volcker took a different approach to monetary policy from the one Friedman advocated, and Friedman's forecasts became markedly worse. The editorial page of The Wall Street Journal adopted as its champion Friedman's long-time rival in currency matters, Robert Mundell, now teaching at Columbia University, and went all in for Mundell's young associate, consultant Arthur Laffer. A research appointment at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco was not the same platform as the University of Chicago. Friedman still had his membership on the President's Economic Policy Board, but after he "savaged" Volcker to his face before the president in a meeting in 1983, both men lost influence. Pointing a finger at Volcker, Friedman said (according to Newsweek's account), "because of the policies of the Fed under that man we have had an inflationary surge in the money supply that is going to have to be corrected." Volcker was not reappointed. Edward Nelson, of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis is writing a scientific biography of Friedman. It will make interesting reading when it is done.

          In March 1981, Friedman wrote his Newsweek column in the form of a letter to Philip Handler, president of the National Academy of Sciences, advocating major cuts in the budget of the National Science Foundation, as a step towards the abolition of the NSF. The Reagan administration had proposed sharp cuts in the economics program. Friedman argued the government shouldn't pay for any scientific research. True, the NSF had funded much good science; but it had paid for much bad science, too, including, he wrote, overmuch mathematical economics. The great scientists of the past had done without NSF funding. Einstein did his work in a government patent office; general relativity might never have made it past a peer-review panel. "The innovative ideas that have stirred controversy in economics since NSF funding of economics began two decades ago owe little or nothing to NSF funding," he wrote.

          Thus did Friedman dismiss the agency that Paul Samuelson had brought to life in 1945. Perhaps more important, by extension he dismissed the program of government fellowships, awarded by competitive exam, that had sent Samuelson to graduate school in 1935, all expenses paid – and countless others since, many of them as impecunious as Friedman had been in 1932. The NSF ran similar programs in mathematics and many ciences, and the principle had been extended, by Sen. Jacob Javits (R-NY) to humanities. NSF research grants funding had helped build the Massachusetts Institute of Technology into a powerhouse to rival Harvard, and played a similar role at many other public and private universities.

          No Samuelson column followed Friedman's. Samuelson never wrote again for Newsweek . He resigned the column he written for fifteen years. When, many years later, I asked him about his timing, he firmly denied that it had anything to do with Friedman's column, and wrote me a letter for the file the next day repeating what he had said. I have always wondered if he sought to defuse the matter out of habit. That he and Friedman had remained on civil terms for seventy-five years was clearly a source of pride, though privately he grew less tolerant of his rival after 1980.

          Samuelson, too, was in mild recession in the '80s. Keynesian economics hadn't yet rebounded from the biting criticism of the New Classicals in the '70s. Tensions were growing within the MIT department over appointments and the direction of future research. Samuelson formally retired in 1985, at 70, to make room for others. He had plenty to engage his professional attention. Commodities Corp., which had discovered such natural traders as Paul Tudor Jones and Bruce Kovner, was winding down, but Samuelson's interest in Warren Buffet's Berkshire Hathaway was gearing up. The Vanguard Group, whose godfather he had been ever since founder John Bogle introduced the first index fund, was thriving. Samuelson's friends and colleagues James Tobin, Franco Modigliani, and Robert Solow received Nobel Prizes.

          Young Lions at Large

          To the young lions of Keynesian economics in the '80s, rational- expectations macroeconomics and real business cycle theory posed a considerable bar. To work in the new traditions required a considerable investment in new tools and mathematical techniques, and, even fully teched-up, didn't seem to speak very directly to policy. A strong corps of economists went to work to fashion a "new Keynesian" version of the latest general equilibrium economics. But gradually one rising star of saltwater economics after another left academia for a policy job.

          Martin Feldstein, of Harvard University, was the first. As something of an acolyte of Milton Friedman, Feldstein was never very high in salinity, but he demonstrated plenty of professional backbone as Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers under Ronald Reagan for two years in the early days of the controversies over deficits before returning in 1984 to Harvard and his position as president of the National Bureau of Economic Research. Stanley Fischer, of MIT, was next, wrapping up a highly successful research career in order to serve as chief economist of the World Bank (a path that led to leadership positions in the International Monetary Fund, governor of the Bank of Israel and, currently, vice chairman of the Fed). Lawrence Summers, Feldstein's student, served as campaign economist to Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis in the 1988 presidential campaign and succeeded Fischer at the World Bank before joining the Clinton administration, where he advanced to Secretary of the Treasury.

          Soon the flood was on: Jeffrey Sachs, Joseph Stiglitz, Olivier Blanchard, Kenneth Rogoff, Gregory Mankiw, Glen Hubbard, and Christina Romer were among those MIT- or Harvard-trained economists who served in government jobs or NGO positions. Paul Krugman retooled as a journalist. Lists of MIT and Harvard graduates in high positions in European, South American, and Asian governments were even longer. Did this differ in kind, and not degree, from the trajectory of academic economists dating back to to the New Frontier, if not the New Deal? I think so.

          In 2006, Harvard's Mankiw, in an article for the Journal of Economic Perspectives argued, as I did in a book, that the differences in interests among economists were best understood as being similar to those between scientists and engineers. The early macroeconomists, led by Samuelson and Friedman, had resembled engineers seeking to solve practical problems, Mankiw wrote; macroeconomists of the past several decades, led by Tjalling Koopmans, Jacob Marschak, Kenneth Arrow, and others had been more interested in developing analytic tools and establishing theoretical principles. Their students the '80s had joined teams along similar lines. "Recently Paul Romer, of New York University, introduced a different distinction to elucidate some of the controversies in present-day macro – between bench science and clinical medicine. Both analogies will get plenty of elaboration in future years, for this is what changed in kind in the '80s: economics developed a clinical/engineering wing.

          ... ... ...

          likbez said...

          Due to his role in neoliberal transformation of Chile after Pinochet coup of 1973, Friedman can be viewed as a one of the first economic hitman for multinationals, member of organized crime disguised as an economist. According to the 1975 report of a United States Senate Intelligence Committee investigation, the Chilean economic plan was prepared in collaboration with the CIA. In 1987 45% of Chile's population was below poverty line. From Wikipedia:

          ==Start of quote ===
          Milton Friedman gave some lectures advocating free market economic policies in Universidad Católica de Chile. In 1975, two years after the coup, he met with Pinochet for 45 minutes, where the general "indicated very little indeed about his own or the government's feeling" and the president asked Friedman to write him a letter laying out what he thought Chile's economic policies should be, which he also did.[26] To stop inflation, Friedman proposed reduction of government deficits that had increased in the past years and a flat commitment by government that after six months it will no longer finance government spending by creating money. He proposed relief of cases of real hardship among poorest classes.[2] In October 1975 the New York Times columnist Anthony Lewis declared that "the Chilean junta's economic policy is based on the ideas of Milton Friedman…and his Chicago School".[26]
          === End of quote ===

          In her book The Shock Doctrine, Naomi Klein criticized Friedman's recipe for neoliberal scheme of the economic rape of the countries under disguise of transformation toward "free" market economics -- the neoliberal restructuring that followed the military coups in several countries using suspiciously similar schemes. She suggested that the primary role of neoliberalism was to be an ideological cover for capital accumulation by multinationals. Chilean economist Orlando Letelier considered that the main driving force behind Pinochet's dictatorship violence toward opponents was the level of opposition to Chicago School policies in Chile.

          And Friedman himself was a coward who never personally acknowledged his role in the events. After a 1991 speech on drug legalization, Friedman answered a question on his involvement with the Pinochet regime, saying that he was never an advisor to Pinochet (also mentioned in his 1984 Iceland interview), but that only his students (Chicago boys) were involved.

          He was followed by Harvard mafia with their economic rape of Russia in early 90th. Probably also prepared in collaboration with the CIA...

          It is interesting that the paper does not mention Galbraith who was important opponent of Friedman (see "Friedman on Galbraith, and on curing the British disease", 1977) . In those two lectures Friedman disagrees with Galbraith's four most popular works: "Countervailing Power," "The Great Crash of 1929," "The Affluent Society," and "The New Industrial State". Friedman consistently repeats the neoliberal dogma that it is unfettered free market, with minimal rules and regulations, is the best economic system.

          So it might be useful to distinguish between two instances of Friedman: the first is Friedman before "Capitalism and Freedom" and the second is after. Friedman after Capitalism and Freedom is a pitiful figure of a prostitute to power that be.

          chris herbert said...

          The best observation was the one by Wojnilower that the animals in the zoo were let out of their cages.. They are still roaming around, not yet put back in their regulatory cages. The list of financial crises beginning in the 1980s looks as bad and as frequent as those of the 1800s. Technology gives a sheen to the past 35 years or so, but underneath there's been immense intellectual damage. A degradation of morals and honesty. Today, greed is good. I'll be gone, you'll be gone (IBGUBG), rules politics and finance today. The animals are still lose, more trouble will visit the Kingdom.

          bakho said...

          Interesting history lesson.
          Needs more links.
          Friedman's spat with Volcker:

          In Friedman's view, Volcker was too vulnerable to political pressures from Congress and the White House, Condemned by liberals and conservatives for plunging the country into recession and worried that continued high interest rates would cause massive default by Third World debtors, Volcker in mid-1982 shifted his sights away from the monetarist approach, loosening the Fed's targets for money growth and restoring interest-rate manipulation as a policy tool. In the five months before the November 1984 elections, the Fed increased the money supply to bring down interest rates and thus fuel the recovery to better Reagan's chances at re-election. After Reagan's reelection victor in November, the Fed again tightened the money supply, "This is not monetarist policy," Friedman says, "The key element of monetarism is to define what you are going to do and then stick with it."

          For any Fed chairman, Friedman thinks, the temptation to linker with money-supply targets is probably irresistible. According to the monetarist doctrine, the Fed chairman's job is purely technical, "a matter of every month looking at the money base and making sure it increases by about a quarter of one percent," Friedman explains, "If the Fed chairman were to do a good job, he would become an unknown, a faceless bureaucrat."

          Cooper, M. H. (1987). Economics after Reaganomics. Editorial research reports 1987 (Vol. II). Washington, DC: CQ Press. Retrieved from http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/cqresrre1987082100

          I wonder if so many of the young economist went into policy because the people involved: Volcker, Friedman, Laffer etc were pretty clueless and made bad predictions.

          bakho said...

          Just how wrong was Friedman?
          DARPA turned the internet over to NSF and NSF spun it off into a large commercial engine.

          NSF funds high risk investment, the kind that most corporations cannot. High risk research means many projects that don'r pan out, a small pool of winners and a handful that hit jackpot. It takes a large organization with very deep pockets to fund enough high risk research over long periods to have a good likelihood of getting a large hit. Industry cannot fund at that level, government can.

          Another example: NSF funded obscure biochemistry into esoteric research on enzymes that could degrade DNA. That research became the foundation of genetic engineering. Who could have known?

          pgl said in reply to Paine ...

          Warsh did write an incredible amount of BS in this silly essay. I didn't think Mundell ever endorsed Laffer's stupid cocktail napkin.

          Lafayette said...

          REAGANOMICS

          From WikiP: {According to Keynesian economists, a combination of deficit spending and the lowering of interest rates slowly led to economic recovery. However, conservatives insist that the significantly lower tax rates caused the recovery. From a high of 10.8% in December 1982, unemployment gradually improved until it fell to 7.2% on Election Day in 1984.}

          Even Reagan, a good friend of Friedman, when push-came-to-shove, indulged is stimulus spending to get his presidency out of the deep-doodoo.
          Which the Replicants stonewalled in 2010 when a Great Recession was in full sway, but the PotUS was a Democrat ...

          pgl said in reply to Lafayette...

          Wikipedia gets another wrong. It was Reagan's 1981 tax cut (deficit spending) that led Volcker to do round 2 of his tight money. Volcker kept trying to make a deal withe White House - reverse the fiscal stimulus in exchange for lower interest rates. The White House did not even know what was going on. And Wikipedia does not either.

          [Sep 05, 2015] Range of reactions to realism about the social world by Daniel Little

          My recent post on realism in the social realm generated quite a bit of commentary, which I'd like to address here.

          Brad Delong offered an incredulous response -- he seems to think that any form of scientific realism is ridiculous (link). He refers to the predictive success of Ptolemy's epicycles, and then says, "But just because your theory is good does not mean that the entities in your theory are "really there", whatever that might mean...." I responded on Twitter: "Delong doesn't like scientific realism -- really? Electrons, photons, curvature of space - all convenient fictions?" The position of instrumentalism is intellectually untenable, in my opinion -- the idea that scientific theories are just convenient computational devices for summarizing a range of observations. It is hard to see why we would have confidence in any complex technology depending on electricity, light, gravity, the properties of metals and semiconductors, if we didn't think that our scientific theories of these things were approximately true of real things in the world. So general rejection of scientific realism seems irrational to me. But the whole point of the post was that this reasoning doesn't extend over to the social sciences very easily; if we are to be realists about social entities, it needs to be on a different basis than the overall success of theories like Keynsianism, Marxism, or Parsonian sociology. They just aren't that successful!

          There were quite a few comments (71) when Mark Thoma reposted this piece on economistsview. A number of the commentators were particularly interested in the question of the realism of economic knowledge. Daniel Hausman addresses the question of realism in economics in his article on the philosophy of economics in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (link):

          Economic methodologists have paid little attention to debates within philosophy of science between realists and anti-realists (van Fraassen 1980, Boyd 1984), because economic theories rarely postulate the existence of unobservable entities or properties, apart from variants of "everyday unobservables," such as beliefs and desires. Methodologists have, on the other hand, vigorously debated the goals of economics, but those who argue that the ultimate goals are predictive (such as Milton Friedman) do so because of their interest in policy, not because they seek to avoid or resolve epistemological and semantic puzzles concerning references to unobservables.

          Examples of economic concepts that commentators seemed to think could be interpreted realistically include concepts such as "economic disparity". But this isn't a particularly arcane or unobservable theoretical concept. There is a lot of back-and-forth on the meaning of investment in Keynes's theory -- is it a well-defined concept? Is it a concept that can be understood realistically? The question of whether economics consists of a body of theory that might be interpreted realistically is a complicated one. Many technical economic concepts seem not to be referential; instead, they seem to be abstract concepts summarizing the results of large numbers of interactions by economic agents.

          The most famous discussion of realism in economics is that offered by Milton Friedman in relation to the idea of economic rationality (Essays in Positive Economics); he doubts that economists need to assume that real economic actors do so on the basis of economic rationality. Rather, according to Friedman this is just a simplifying assumption to allow us to summarize a vast range of behavior. This is a hard position to accept, though; if agents are not making calculating choices about costs and benefits, then why should we expect a market to work in the ways our theories say it should? (Here is a good critique by Bruce Caldwell of Friedman's instrumentalism; link.)

          And what about the concept of a market itself? Can we understand this concept realistically? Do markets really exist? Maybe the most we can say is something like this: there are many social settings where stuff is produced and exchanged. When exchange is solely or primarily governed by the individual self-interest of the buyers and sellers, we can say that a market exists. But we must also be careful to add that there are many different institutional and social settings where this condition is satisfied, so there is great variation across the particular "market settings" of different societies and communities. As a result, we need to be careful not to reify the concept of a market across all settings.

          [Sep 05, 2015] Tribes

          "...Personally, I think he senses that RE/New Classicalism is in decline, not comprehending why, struggling to understand, looking for scapegoats (Solow, tribal behaviour, mathiness) and is essentially mourning its demise."
          "...read Kuhn famous book on The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, in which he argues persuasively (or shows definitively, for those who prefer), that "Competition between segments of the scientific community [tribes?] is the only historical process that ever actually results in the rejection of one previously accepted theory or in the adoption of another," though at the same time, most progress comes from working within an established paradigm. My own intuition is that economics if very much like physics in both those respects. "
          Sep 04, 2015 | Stephen Williamson New Monetarist Economics

          So, within economics, is macro unusual? Of course not. Indeed, the whole emphasis of post-1970 macroeconomics is to do it like everyone else. Before 1970, no one would have been discussing macro and Dixit-Stiglitz in the same sentence. Should economics work like physics? Of course not. We're studying very different problems requiring very different methods. Why would you expect economists to behave like physicists?

          What's my bottom line? Romer is just leading us through an unproductive conversation - one that's not going to persuade anyone of anything.

          Anonymous, September 4, 2015 at 4:42 PM

          "Romer is just leading us through an unproductive conversation - one that's not going to persuade anyone of anything."

          It's almost as if Romer is wandering around testing the waters seeing how far he can push things before he actually says what he wants to say coherently.

          Anonymous September 4, 2015 at 5:38 PM

          Personally, I think he senses that RE/New Classicalism is in decline, not comprehending why, struggling to understand, looking for scapegoats (Solow, tribal behaviour, mathiness) and is essentially mourning its demise.

          Henry.

          Constantine Alexandrakis, September 4, 2015 at 6:16 PM
          Steve, Solow agrees with you on Romer's contribution.

          https://www.minneapolisfed.org/publications/the-region/interview-with-robert-solow

          Norman, September 5, 2015 at 4:45 AM

          Actually, Romer doesn't argue that physicists are not tribalists – he just asserts it, on the basis of a thought experiment based on two particular statements. It may well be true that there is a lot of consensus on the particular physics statements in his post, but no doubt you could also find a couple of statements in economics that most economists agree about. For evidence of tribalism in physics, google "superstring controversy," or at a more personal level, Newton and Hooke, Einstein and Lenard.

          Or read Kuhn famous book on The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, in which he argues persuasively (or shows definitively, for those who prefer), that "Competition between segments of the scientific community [tribes?] is the only historical process that ever actually results in the rejection of one previously accepted theory or in the adoption of another," though at the same time, most progress comes from working within an established paradigm. My own intuition is that economics if very much like physics in both those respects.

          As to how tribalism has arisen in economics, the answer is easy: economists are people, and people are tribal. Search the psychology of "ingroup bias".

          [Sep 04, 2015] What Happened to the Moral Center of American Capitalism?

          "...The fact that he believes that capitalism has or ever had a "moral center" (other than "greed is good!") is absolutely touching in its naivete."
          .
          "...The prototype and kickstarter for capitalist industry was sugar plantation slavery (15th century, Madeira, Canary Islands)"
          The latest from Robert Reich begins with:
          What Happened to the Moral Center of American Capitalism? : An economy depends fundamentally on public morality; some shared standards about what sorts of activities are impermissible because they so fundamentally violate trust that they threaten to undermine the social fabric.

          It is ironic that at a time the Republican presidential candidates and state legislators are furiously focusing on private morality – what people do in their bedrooms, contraception, abortion, gay marriage – we are experiencing a far more significant crisis in public morality.

          We've witnessed over the last two decades in the United States a steady decline in the willingness of people in leading positions in the private sector – on Wall Street and in large corporations especially – to maintain minimum standards of public morality. They seek the highest profits and highest compensation for themselves regardless of social consequences.

          CEOs of large corporations now earn 300 times the wages of average workers. Wall Street moguls take home hundreds of millions, or more. Both groups have rigged the economic game to their benefit while pushing downward the wages of average working people.

          By contrast, in the first three decades after World War II – partly because America went through that terrible war and, before that, the Great Depression – there was a sense in the business community and on Wall Street of some degree of accountability to the nation.

          It wasn't talked about as social responsibility, because it was assumed to be a bedrock of how people with great economic power should behave.

          CEOs did not earn more than 40 times what the typical worker earned. Profitable firms did not lay off large numbers of workers. Consumers, workers, and the community were all considered stakeholders of almost equal entitlement. The marginal income tax on the highest income earners in the 1950s was 91%. Even the effective rate, after all deductions and tax credits, was still well above 50%.

          Around about the late 1970s and early 1980s, all of this changed dramatically. ...[continue]...

          Peter K. said...
          Krugman speculated it started when sports fans began discussing star baseball players' salaries. CEOs went Galt and asked why not us also?

          Workers are just inputs like fixed capital nothing more.

          What's good for GE and Goldman Sachs - profits - is good for America.

          DeLong asks the more central question. When did business leaders decide that growth, aggregate demand and full employment wasn't in the interest of their companies?

          In the 1950 and 1960s they were in favor of a high-pressured economy. That changed.

          Maybe it was the 1970s and "take this job and shove it."

          Peter K. said in reply to Peter K....

          They also forget about the Great Depression as it faded from memory.

          And the Cold War ended. Would they risk Western nations like Greece and Spain going to the other side because of sky high unemployment? No they'd govern them with military dictatorships.

          Ben Groves said in reply to Peter K....

          US investment/capital markets were semi-nationalized from WWII into the mid-70's. The whole basis was to fight the Nazis then Soviets. The economic crisis of the mid-70's, detente and excessive growth beyond cohort changed things. For all the 79-89 hype, the cold war died with that global economic crisis of the 1970's as the Soviet Union never recovered and China bailed.

          Business view was that the pre-WWII order needed to be restored. I think many people mistake the 50's and 60's as "normal", but they weren't. They were a time of war.

          Peter K. said in reply to Ben Groves...

          "War is the health of the state."

          We need an invasion from aliens.

          mulp said in reply to Ben Groves...

          Well, given the US has been at war since Reagan, elected because Carter would not go to war, how do you explain the punishment of workers to reverse the glorifying of workers from the 30s through even the 70s??

          It was not war that made the period before 1980 better over all, but the understanding that consumers could only spend as much as they were paid, and the problem for a corporation seeking to grow was making sure all the other corporations paid their employees well.

          By the end of the 80s, the iconic corporations of the 60s in terms of growth and loyalty to employees were criticized by free lunch MBAs for sticking with the old ways of treating employees as assets because they were being creamed by competitors who treated employees as liabilities. Eg, IBM was badly managed because it was not screwing its workers like Dell, HP was doomed because it was not firing all its US factory workers and contracting with Asia factories.

          You see, the MBAs were teaching that US workers are liabilities to replaced with the cheapest non US workers and the US consumer needs to be mined for ever more dollars of spending. And if consumers were not spending enough, the problem was they were taxed too much, so the calls for tax cuts to put money in consumer pockets so consumers could shop 24 by 7.

          Before 1980, everything was zero sum. If you want that $1000 car or boat, you had to first earn $1000, unless the manufacturer float you a loan with a threat of the repo man. That meant manufacturers needed every consumer to have a job. And every dollar paid to workers came back to them in consumer spending. And government was the same way - if you wanted better roads, you first had to agree to taxes to pay for it.

          After 1980, the idea economies were zero sum were thrown in the trash can. Want something, borrow and spend. Republicans would get government out of the way of the loan sharks. The loan sharks became bank owners and got rid of their enforcers, turning that over to Congress. Think of all the debt you can not shed but that government collects by force by the IRS and attaching your Social Security benefit.

          Once consumers could borrow and spend, workers are now purely liabilities. Get rid of them.

          In the real world, the ivory tower of business and economics is not able to be applied 100% or even 20%, but that even 20% of the connection between payroll and business sales is lost means an ever deepening pit of debt.

          Federal debt declined from before the end of WWII as a burden on GDP until Reagan and then it grew as if the US were waging a war larger than the Korean war or Vietnam war or WWI or maybe the Civil war.

          With the exception of the Clinton years which were not free of war, the budget has looked like a major war was going on.

          DrDick said...

          The fact that he believes that capitalism has or ever had a "moral center" (other than "greed is good!") is absolutely touching in its naivete.

          Paine said in reply to DrDick...

          Sweet bobby

          bakho said in reply to DrDick...

          Indeed. Greedy "Malefactors of Great Wealth" don't become wealthy by fair play. Nothing obtained by workers was ever got without a fight. Many bloody union battles over dead bodies won worker's rights. Once the unions lost power, workers went backward.

          mulp said in reply to bakho...

          And union leaders were all choir boys....

          raping their members like priests.

          As a liberal, I can play the game of name calling, character assassination, etc.

          How do you think it is that there are capitalists with loyal workers? Do you think there are capitalists who understand that economies are zero sum and that you can't have customers wealthier than employees are wealthy?

          I see lots of worker advocates who seem to think that every worker can be paid $1000 and only pay $500 for everything produced.

          Paine said in reply to mulp...

          Reading this is like chewing glue

          DrDick said in reply to Paine ...

          Which he was obviously huffing while writing it.

          Paine said in reply to Paine ...

          A system is not judged by its functioning components but by its malfunction components and the emergent failures of the system of components
          U know that

          Social production systems often grow and develop

          they re not zero sum !


          They produce a social surplus when functioning well

          That social surplus gets ex appropriated by an exploiter class in class systems

          The primary producers may add 1000 in value and receive only 600 of that value as compensation

          Suggesting radicals or at least some radicals want more then one hundred percent of the social product for the producers themselves is blatant Tom foolery

          bakho said in reply to mulp...

          "How do you think it is that there are capitalists with loyal workers?"

          The same way plantation owners had "loyal slaves". Loyalty lasted until Sherman's boys came and said, "You are free and if you show us where the silverware is hid, we'll split it with you."

          Loyalty only goes as far as the next better offer.

          anne said...

          Assuming there was at least a superficial acknowledgement of a "moral center of American capitalism," that surface acceptance was methodically worn away from the 1970s on. An early sign of the wearing away and the need to turn away from a moral center of capitalism came with this article in 1970:

          http://www.colorado.edu/studentgroups/libertarians/issues/friedman-soc-resp-business.html

          September 13, 1970

          The Social Responsibility of Business is to Increase its Profits
          By Milton Friedman - New York Times

          The carefully cultivated "Chicago Boys" not long after the article in the New York Times even gained a country to play with, Chile.

          anne said in reply to anne...

          http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/24/opinion/paul-krugman-the-mit-gang.html

          July 23, 2015

          If you don't know what I'm talking about, the term "Chicago boys" was originally used to refer to Latin American economists, trained at the University of Chicago, who took radical free-market ideology back to their home countries. The influence of these economists was part of a broader phenomenon: The 1970s and 1980s were an era of ascendancy for laissez-faire economic ideas and the Chicago school, which promoted those ideas....

          -- Paul Krugman

          Paine said in reply to anne...

          A charming little toad that Milty

          Swallow him and die of his poisons

          Paine said in reply to Paine ...

          Street value of milty's elixir: Oligopolistic Corporate free range capitalism

          Sandwichman said...

          1. The prototype and kickstarter for capitalist industry was sugar plantation slavery (15th century, Madeira, Canary Islands)

          2. Slavery was extolled by Southern slaveowner aristocratic "ethics and theology" as the pinnacle of bible-based Western Civilization.

          3. After defeat of the Confederacy, the neo-Confederate heirs of the old slaveowner plutocrats rewrote history to deny that the South fought the Civil War to retain slavery.

          4. The big lie of "Lost Cause" neo-Confederacy is the secret sauce of the Republican Party "Southern strategy" emulated by the "centrism" of the Democrats.

          5. What happened to the "moral center" of American Capitalism?

          6. Just what "moral center" are you referring to, Bob?

          Sandwichman said in reply to Sandwichman...

          John Cairnes, 1862:

          "in spite of elaborate attempts at mystification, the real cause of the war and the real issue at stake are every day forcing themselves into prominence with a distinctness which cannot be much longer evaded. Whatever we may think of the tendencies of democratic institutions, or of the influence of territorial magnitude on the American character, no theory framed upon these or upon any other incidents of the contending parties, however ingeniously constructed, will suffice to conceal the fact, that it is slavery which is at the bottom of this quarrel, and that on its determination it depends whether the Power which derives its strength from slavery shall be set up with enlarged resources and increased prestige, or be now once for all effectually broken."

          Ben Groves said in reply to Sandwichman...

          Don't forget about 1600's Amsterdam. That was the kickstarter for finance capitalism. William the Orange exported it to the Brits and the rest is history. The link between the 2 is indeed "bible based".

          Sandwichman said in reply to Sandwichman...

          James Henley Thornwell:

          "The parties in this conflict are not merely abolitionists and slaveholders - they are atheists, socialists, communists, red republicans, jacobins, on one side, and the friends of order and regulated freedom on the other. In one word, the world is the battleground - Christianity and Atheism the combatants; and the progress of humanity at stake."

          Ben Groves said in reply to Sandwichman...

          Thornwell was a Rothschilds bagman fwiw. The whole basis of the planters was slaves. They couldn't make it without them. Without the production, Europe would be in shortage. Hurting the Rothschilds business interests.

          That is why quotes never workout. You create a dialect when it is all personal motive. Not all socialists were against slavery. Many thought it was better than capitalist production cycles.

          anne said in reply to anne...

          Not all socialists were against slavery. Many thought it was better than capitalist production cycles.

          [ I am waiting for the documentation of the many socialists who thought.... ]

          Paine said in reply to anne...

          Socialist is a very eclectic catch all term Anne

          Some socialist by self description probably believed in human sacrifice

          Oh ya that was us Stalinists

          anne said in reply to Paine ...

          http://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2015/09/what-happened-to-the-moral-center-of-american-capitalism.html#comment-6a00d83451b33869e201b7c7c9199f970b

          September 4, 2015

          Ben Groves said in reply to Sandwichman...

          Not all socialists were against slavery. Many thought it was better than capitalist production cycles.

          [ I know precisely what I have been asking for. I am still waiting for the documentation of the many socialists who thought.... ]

          anne said in reply to Ben Groves...

          Thornwell was a ----------- bagman for what it's worth. The whole basis of the planters was slaves. They couldn't make it without them. Without the production, Europe would be in shortage. Hurting the ----------- business interests.

          [ Again, where is the documentation, the "----------- bagman" documentation, to what I consider simply calumny? ]

          Sandwichman said in reply to Ben Groves...

          Wikipedia:

          James Henley Thornwell (December 9, 1812 – August 1, 1862) was an American Presbyterian preacher and religious writer from the U.S. state of South Carolina. During the American Civil War, Thornwell supported the Confederacy and preached a doctrine that claimed slavery to be morally right and justified by the tenets of Christianity.

          "Thornwell, in the words of Professor Eugene Genovese, attempted "to envision a Christian society that could reconcile-so far as possible in a world haunted by evil-the conflicting claims of a social order with social justice and both with the freedom and dignity of the individual."

          Sandwichman said in reply to Sandwichman...

          The "cornerstone speech"

          https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cornerstone_Speech

          "The ideas entertained at the time of the formation of the old Constitution," says the Vice President of the Southern Confederacy [Alexander Stephens],

          "...were that the enslavement of the African race was in violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. Our new government is founded on exactly opposite ideas; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery-subordination to the superior race-is his natural and moral condition. This our Government is the first in the history of the world based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth. It is upon this our social fabric is firmly planted, and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of the full recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and enlightened world.... This stone which was rejected by the first builders 'is become the chief stone of the corner' in our new edifice."

          Sandwichman said in reply to Sandwichman...

          Harry Jaffa: "this remarkable address conveys, more than any other contemporary document, not only the soul of the Confederacy but also of that Jim Crow South that arose from the ashes of the Confederacy."

          But not just the Jim Crow South, also the enduring white supremacy that permeates and dominates the American (incarceration nation) political discourse under code word dog whistles like "law and order" and orchestrated abhorrence of "political correctness".

          Where is the "moral center" of a cesspool whose "cornerstone" is hatred? Ask Dante.

          Mike Sparrow said in reply to Sandwichman...

          True, but accepting Jim Crow allowed the capitalists to expand down south slowly but surely. By 1950 the south was becoming industrialized and Jim Crow was under attack. Their agriculture had been automated. Jim Crow just delayed history.

          The problem I think people have with white neo-confeds is not so much "black slavery", but that white's were basically being starved and living standards reduced by the same system. The 1% of white's made it big with a global system at the expense of country. The anti-confeds are basically in a race war against what they see as foreign invasion. While the neo-confeds think they are protecting white "traditions" that really aren't really traditional to the white population as a whole. It is a good reason why socialists who patriot nationalism and organic unity can't unite with them. What they view as "white" is different. It leads toward political divide and conquer.

          Paine said in reply to Mike Sparrow...

          Jim crow delayed southern development

          Only if you abstract from the northern social formation that hatched and husbanded it. For 100 years
          Much as the slave system was husband by unionist northerns for 80 years

          Paine said in reply to Paine ...

          One could talk of a moral core to capitalists like thadeus Stevens
          But the north ended reconstruction not because of southern white resistance
          But because nothing more was need at that time and level of development
          Of the north and of the union

          Paine said in reply to Paine ...

          The Grant years were like a sign in the sun and a sign in the moon

          The sympathetic nations of Ameriika would remain in mortal struggle

          Race Injustice would rule to the horizon of time and space

          Paine said in reply to Paine ...

          We would and will live side by side and yet turn away from each other
          One side in torment the other in wrath

          Sandwichman said in reply to Sandwichman...

          I think it would be useful to cite the whole paragraph of Harry Jaffa's comment on the cornerstone speech. Who was Harry Jaffa, anyway? Some politically correct Marxist America hater? Jaffa was the guy who wrote Barry Goldwater's 1964 Republican nomination acceptance speech. You know, "Extremism in defense of liberty is no vice; moderation in pursuit of justice is no virtue." That's who.

          "This remarkable address conveys, more than any other contemporary document, not only the soul of the Confederacy but also of that Jim Crow South that arose from the ashes of the Confederacy. From the end of Reconstruction until after World War Il, the idea of racial inequality gripped the territory of the former Confederacy-and not only of the former Confederacy-more profoundly than it had done under slavery. Nor is its influence by any means at an end. Stephens's prophecy of the Confederacy's future resembles nothing so much as Hitler's prophecies of the Thousand-Year Reich. Nor are their theories very different. Stephens, unlike Hitler, spoke only of one particular race as inferior. But the principle ot racial domination, once established, can easily be extended to fit the convenience of the self-anointed master race or class, whoever it may be."

          Paine said in reply to Sandwichman...

          The battle between the declaration of independence and the constitution

          Sandwichman said in reply to Sandwichman...

          A MEASURING ROD FOR TEXT-BOOKS

          "The Committee respectfully urges all authorities charged with the selection of text-books for colleges, schools and all scholastic institutions to measure all books offered for adoption by this "Measuring Bod" and adopt none which do not accord full justice to the South. And all library authorities in the Southern States are requested to mark all books in their collections which do not come up to the same measure, on the title page thereof, "Unjust to the South."

          Reject a book that says the South fought to hold her slaves.

          Reject a book that speaks of the slaveholder of the South as cruel and unjust to his slaves.

          Sandwichman said in reply to Sandwichman...

          "How the Negroes Lived Under Slavery

          "Life among the Negroes of Virginia in slavery times was generally happy. The Negroes went about in a cheerful manner making a living for themselves and for those for whom they worked. They were not so unhappy as some Northerners thought they were, nor were they so happy as some Southerners claimed. The Negroes had their problems and their troubles. But they were not worried by the furious arguments going on between Northerners and Southerners over what should be done with them. In fact, they paid little attention to these arguments."

          What's a "coffle"? http://tinyurl.com/pkdxuvq

          anne said in reply to Sandwichman...

          Excellent series of posts.

          anne said in reply to Sandwichman...

          http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/05/books/review/the-half-has-never-been-told-by-edward-e-baptist.html

          October 4, 2014

          A Brutal Process
          By ERIC FONER

          THE HALF HAS NEVER BEEN TOLD
          Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism
          By Edward E. Baptist

          For residents of the world's pre-­eminent capitalist nation, American historians have produced remarkably few studies of capitalism in the United States. This situation was exacerbated in the 1970s, when economic history began to migrate from history to economics departments, where it too often became an exercise in scouring the past for numerical data to plug into computerized models of the economy. Recently, however, the history of American capitalism has emerged as a thriving cottage industry. This new work portrays capitalism not as a given (something that "came in the first ships," as the historian Carl Degler once wrote) but as a system that developed over time, has been constantly evolving and penetrates all aspects of society.

          Slavery plays a crucial role in this literature....


          Eric Foner is the DeWitt Clinton professor of history at Columbia.

          DrDick said in reply to Sandwichman...

          As Sydney Mintz showed, capitalism was founded on and made possible by slavery.

          Paine said in reply to DrDick...

          Marx sounds this theme powerfully in his chapter in Kap I
          on primitive or primal accumulation

          Sandwichman said in reply to Paine ...

          Sounded the theme... but then failed to develop it. Maybe it was too obvious in those days, soon after the Civil War and before the "measuring rod" of neo-Confederate censorship rewrote history.

          anne said in reply to Sandwichman...

          http://www.common-place.org/vol-10/no-03/baptist/

          April, 2010

          Toxic Debt, Liar Loans, and Securitized Human Beings
          The Panic of 1837 and the fate of slavery
          By Edward E. Baptist

          Early in the last decade, an Ayn Rand disciple named Alan Greenspan, who had been trusted with the U.S. government's powers for regulating the financial economy, stated his faith in the ability of that economy to maintain its own stability: "Recent regulatory reform coupled with innovative technologies has spawned rapidly growing markets for, among other products, asset-backed securities, collateral loan obligations, and credit derivative default swaps. These increasingly complex financial instruments have contributed, especially over the recent stressful period, to the development of a far more flexible, efficient, and hence resilient financial system than existed just a quarter-century ago."

          At the beginning of this decade, in the wake of the failure of Greenspan's faith to prevent the eclipse of one economic order of things, Robert Solow, another towering figure in the economics profession, reflected on Greenspan's credo and voiced his suspicion that the financialization of the U.S. economy over the last quarter-century created not "real," but fictitious wealth: "Flexible maybe, resilient apparently not, but how about efficient? How much do all those exotic securities, and the institutions that create them, buy them, and sell them, actually contribute to the 'real' economy that provides us with goods and services, now and for the future?" ...

          chris herbert said...

          I don't think Capitalism has much to do with morality. Capitalists employed 8 year olds and a workweek of 60 hours at subsistence pay was the norm. Even today, look what American capitalists do to their employees in the Far East! Adam Smith figured that capitalism improved people's lives unintentionally. Not much of a moral statement, that one. That's why capitalism fails so miserably if not tightly regulated. Democracy, on the other hand, has pretty well defined moral foundations; Liberty, rights, equality etc. etc. Social democracies, in my opinion, have a stronger tether to the moral side of Democracy than we currently have here in the U.S. Our moral tether was shredded by the political right turn accomplished in the 1980s under Reagan. A similar degradation began in the U.K. about the same time under Thatcher. Oddly enough, that 30 plus year period between the end of WWII and 1980, was a period of strong progressive policy making. Pro labor laws, steeply progressive tax rates, voting rights, sensible retirement funding and Medicare for the elderly were all products of that time period. Maybe it was all an anomaly. A brief period of egalitarian ideals that created a middle class and produced a manufacturing hegemon. No longer. We are a military hegemon now. We are no longer a Democracy either. Most people haven't realized it; most especially working men and women who freely give up their rights and protections by voting for Republicans. We have the government we deserve. We are the most entertained and least informed citizens of any of the rich countries.

          Paine said in reply to chris herbert...

          Exploitation has a morality

          All that exists must be torn apart
          Rest is sin
          The future is blocked only by the present

          Faust

          Peter K. said...

          Off topic but everyone's favorite subject: monetary policy.

          http://macromarketmusings blogspot.com/2015/09/revealed-preferences-fed-inflation.html

          http://tinyurl.com/povj6qe

          Friday, September 4, 2015

          Revealed Preferences: Fed Inflation Target Edition
          by David Beckworth

          Over the past six years the Fed's preferred measure of the price level, the core PCE, has averaged 1.5 percent growth. That is well below the Fed's explicit target of 2 percent inflation. Why this consistent shortfall?

          Some Fed officials are asking themselves this very question. A recent Wall Street Journal article reporting from the Jackson Hole Fed meetings led with this opening sentence: "central bankers aren't sure they understand how inflation works anymore". The article goes on to highlight some deep soul searching being done by central bankers in the Wyoming mountains. It is good to see our monetary authorities engaged in deep introspection, but let me give them a suggestion. Dust off your revealed preference theory textbooks and see what they can tell you about the low inflation of the past six years.

          To that end, and as a public service to you our beleaguered Fed officials, let me provide some material to consider. First consider your inflation forecasts that go into making the central tendency consensus forecasts at the FOMC meetings. The figures below show the evolution of these forecasts for the current year, one-year ahead, and two-years ahead. There is an interesting pattern that emerges from these figures as you expand the forecast horizon: 2 percent becomes a upper bound.

          ....

          So rest easy dear Fed official. No need for any existential angst. According to revealed preferences, you are still driving core inflation--which ignores supply shocks like changes in oil prices--it is just that you have a roughly 1%-2% core inflation target corridor rather than a 2% target. So even though you may not realize it, you are doing a bang up job keeping core inflation in your target corridor."

          Peter K. said in reply to Peter K....

          Our Neo-Classsical single equilibrium friend Don Kervack says the economy "naturally" healed itself despite unprecedented fiscal austerity, a trade deficit and strong dollar.

          I don't buy it. Economics isn't broken. Politics is.

          The center-left party for the job class should be calling up the Fed and asking "WTF?"

          SomeCallMeTim said...

          In the mid-1970s, at some universities economics was still called 'political economy', micro began with consideration of equity vs. efficiency, and the legitimacy of countercyclical social programs wasn't so widely questioned.

          Was there a loss of nerve, at least in the U.S., following the Vietnam War, the 1973 oil shock, and the following recession that led to a quantum shift in generosity of spirit / belief in children exceeding their parents material well-being (or as politicians would later put it, voting one's fears instead of one's hopes)?

          Second Best said...

          http://www.counterpunch.org/2015/08/21/the-plague-of-american-authoritarianism/

          The Plague of American Authoritarianism

          by Henry Giroux

          Authoritarianism in the American collective psyche and in what might be called traditional narratives of historical memory is always viewed as existing elsewhere.

          Viewed as an alien and demagogic political system, it is primarily understood as a mode of governance associated with the dictatorships in Latin America in the 1970s and, of course, in its most vile extremes, with Hitler's poisonous Nazi rule and Mussolini's fascist state in the 1930s and 1940s. These were and are societies that idealized war, soldiers, nationalism, militarism, political certainty, fallen warriors, racial cleansing, and a dogmatic allegiance to the homeland.[i] Education and the media were the propaganda tools of authoritarianism, merging fascist and religious symbols with the language of God, family, and country, and were integral to promoting servility and conformity among the populace. This script is well known to the American public and it has been played out in films, popular culture, museums, the mainstream media, and other cultural apparatuses. Historical memory that posits the threat of the return of an updated authoritarianism turns the potential threat of the return of authoritarianism into dead memory. Hence, any totalitarian mode of governance is now treated as a relic of a sealed past that bears no relationship to the present. The need to retell the story of totalitarianism becomes a frozen lesson in history rather than a narrative necessary to understanding the present

          Hannah Arendt, the great theorist of totalitarianism, believed that the protean elements of totalitarianism are still with us and that they would crystalize in different forms.[ii] Far from being a thing of the past, she believed that totalitarianism "heralds as a possible model for the future."[iii] Arendt was keenly aware that the culture of traditionalism, an ever present culture of fear, the corporatization of civil society, the capture of state power by corporations, the destruction of public goods, the corporate control of the media, the rise of a survival-of-the-fittest ethos, the dismantling of civil and political rights, the ongoing militarization of society, the "religionization of politics,"[iv] a rampant sexism, an attack on labor, an obsession with national security, human rights abuses, the emergence of a police state, a deeply rooted racism, and the attempts by demagogues to undermine critical education as a foundation for producing critical citizenry were all at work in American society. For Arendt, these anti-democratic elements in American society constituted what she called the "sand storm," a metaphor for totalitarianism.[v]

          Historical conjunctures produce different forms of authoritarianism, though they all share a hatred for democracy, dissent, and human rights. It is too easy to believe in a simplistic binary logic that strictly categorizes a country as either authoritarian or democratic and leaves no room for entertaining the possibility of a mixture of both systems. American politics today suggests a more updated if not different form of authoritarianism or what some have called the curse of totalitarianism. In this context, it is worth remembering what Huey Long said in response to the question of whether America could ever become fascist: "Yes, but we will call it anti-fascist." [vi] Long's reply indicates that fascism is not an ideological apparatus frozen in a particular historical period, but as Arendt suggested a complex and often shifting theoretical and political register for understanding how democracy can be subverted, if not destroyed, from within.

          (more at link above)

          Anonymous said...

          1) Gut all regulation in the name of free markets.
          2) Sprinkle with the fairy dust of zero or negative real interest rates.
          3) Let it rip.

          I mean the moral fiber of society. this had a big hand in it.

          Anonymous said in reply to Anonymous...

          If anyone thinks incentives have nothing to do with deteriorating moral fiber, you are delusional.

          ezra abrams said...

          Is this the same RR who crossed a picket line at huff post, or someplace like that ?
          cause ya know, his views are just so critical...
          as my dad use to say, a scab never has to worry bout getting by, he can always steal from blind mens cups

          and liberals wonder why blue collars hate hi falutin people

          anne said in reply to ezra abrams...

          Where is the precise reference to this nastiness?

          Since Robert Reich provides his essays to any publication through a Creative Commons license, I cannot imagine how he could have crossed any picket line. Any essay by Reich can be used on any Internet site.

          Returning now to the nastiness....

          ilsm said...

          Thuglican Jesus, thuglican God......

          Factitious values based on thuglican God ordained "lesser people" should be property and the 98% exploited for the chosen .01%.......

          See Sandwichman at Angry Bear.

          cm said...

          I suspect the moral center has been declared as a cost center, and not only yesterday.

          [Sep 04, 2015] Four-fifths of the Economy is a Complete Waste of Time

          EconoSpeak

          Four-fifths of the "Economy" is a Complete Waste of Time

          There are really two questions we are dealing with here. First, do inputs to production earn their marginal product? Second, do the owners of non-rival ideas have market power or not? -- Dietz Vollrath "What Assumptions Matter for Growth Theory?"
          Dietz Vollrath has a new post that goes a long way toward clarifying the battle lines in the fight over the foundations of growth theory. -- Paul Romer, "The Assumptions in Growth Theory"
          Huh? These fellows omit the main assumption, the analogy -- "growth is a concept whose proper domicile is the study of organic units..." (Kuznets, 1947). Kuznets cited with approval Sidney Hook's discussion of the dangers of the use of this analogy.
          As an argument it is formally worthless and never logically compelling. An argument from analogy can be countered usually with another argument from analogy which leads to a diametrically opposed conclusion.... The belief that society is an organism is an old but fanciful notion. It can only be seriously entertained by closing the eye to all the respects in which a group of separate individuals differs from a system of connected cells, and by violently redefining terms like 'birth,' 'reproduction,' and 'death.'

          Growth "theory" gets around this objection to the uncritical use of analogy by ignoring it -- by 'closing the eye' to explicit caveats in the seminal contribution to the measurement of growth. Let's pretend that the economy really is an organism that grows perpetually but never dies.

          Name one.

          Carry on, growth theorists.

          [Sep 04, 2015] An Indicator of Tribalism in Macroeconomics by Paul Romer

          Paul Romer just want personal recognition and posts junk. It's not tribalism, it is complete subservience to financial oligarchy.
          "...Peer review matters when peers matter. Peers matter when neither government nor markets can guide progress. When peers don't matter tribalism takes over to redefine 'progress' into a conundrum of redundant repetitive Orwellian loops that allow anything to mean anything."
          Sep 03, 2015 Paul Romer

          Second Best said...


          An Indicator of Tribalism in Macroeconomics - Paul Romer

          'If we replace statements 1 and 2 with statements 3 and 4, we could construct a comparable measure of tribalism in physics. If we did, I suspect that we would find little tribalism there. I suspect that in comparison, this indicator would reveal that macroeconomists are very tribal.

          The positive question that this assessment prompts is how this tribalism emerged in macroeconomics. To me, this is what makes the recent intellectual history of the field so interesting.'

          ---

          The normative question is should anyone be allowed to don the credentials of an 'economist' and reduce the entire discipline to a sophmoric smattering of random thoughts that just happen to fill a particular tribal 'objectivist' standard?

          Peer review matters when peers matter. Peers matter when neither government nor markets can guide progress. When peers don't matter tribalism takes over to redefine 'progress' into a conundrum of redundant repetitive Orewellian loops that allow anything to mean anything.

          [Sep 03, 2015] Economics Has a Math Problem - Noah Smith

          Comment from Economist's View Links for 09-02-15

          Dan Kervick said...

          Noah Smith:

          "Econ developed as a form of philosophy and then added math later, becoming basically a form of mathematical philosophy."

          Interesting! And true I think.

          My own academic background was in analytic philosophy, and we too used and studied those various technical models of decision-making under uncertainty that the economists love. The difference is that philosophers use those tools to address purely conceptual puzzles and conundrums about the behavior of idealized super-rational agents in conceptually possible circumstances that are generally quite distant from actual world people and behavior: circumstances such as Newcomb problems or the Sleeping Beauty Problem.

          When I first began to look into economics, I was surprised to learn how similar it was to philosophy in its tools and arguments. The difference was that economists put forward the same conceptual idealizations as descriptions of *the actual world*!

          My impression is that a lot of economists are people who wandered into the field from math, theoretical physics and philosophy. Despite the fact that economics pretends to be a behavioral or social science, these wanderers from the other conceptual realms of the academy lack the empirical discipline to be real scientists, and aren't really terribly interested in the understanding and studying the behavior of actual human beings and societies. So they gravitate toward the areas of the field in which pulling sophisticated and rigorous conceptually fantasies out of one's butt is admired and glorified. These are the glamour pusses who intimidate everyone else with displays of pure mathematical and conceptual intelligence, and seem to lord it over the field and define the ground for pertinent discussion.

          I have read a lot of interesting papers over the past few years that were based on serious data. But doing that kind of work doesn't seem to be the way you get famous in economics.

          [Aug 31, 2015] The Case for Realism in the Social Realm

          "...So there is nothing to choose. Current economics consists of political economics, which is scientifically worthless, and theoretical economics, which is logically and materially inconsistent. Luckily, Jackson Hole shows: economists are clueless but never speechless."
          "...We will understand that there are real social processes, mechanisms, and powers; that they derive from the actions and agency of actors; and that these processes can be traced out through fairly direct sociological and historical research. And we will understand too that claims about the reality of "capitalism", the world financial system, or fascism are to be understood less weightily than they first appear. Capitalism exists in a time and place; but it is understood to be an ensemble of relations and actions by the people of the time."
          Aug 31, 2015 | Economist's View

          RC AKA Darryl, Ron -> djb...

          [Yes, I know mine is exactly 6.25 inches because I measured it, but I can only guess that yours is shorter because there is no way that I am ever going to measure it :http://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2015/08/us-inflation-developments.html

          Egmont Kakarot-Handtke said...

          Always clueless, never speechless
          Comment on 'U.S. Inflation Developments'

          For a dispassionate observer Stanley Fischer's speech and the tidal wave of blog comments makes it pretty clear that there is an intellectual black hole where something like a true economic theory should be.

          There is absolutely no use in entering into the morass of conflicting nonsense. Here are two fixpoints to secure some orientation.

          • Inflation theory has never risen much above the commonplace Quantity Theory. The QT is plausible but ultimately untenable. The correct formula for the overall price level is given herehttps://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:AXEC64.pngfor details see (2015, eq. (12)).

          • Alternative macroeconomic approaches like Krugman's IS-LM are fundamentally flawed since Keynes and Hicks (2014) without any economist ever spotting the provable formal defect.

          So there is nothing to choose. Current economics consists of political economics, which is scientifically worthless, and theoretical economics, which is logically and materially inconsistent. Luckily, Jackson Hole shows: economists are clueless but never speechless.

          Egmont Kakarot-Handtke

          References
          Kakarot-Handtke, E. (2014). Mr. Keynes, Prof. Krugman, IS-LM, and the End of Economics as We Know It. SSRN Working Paper Series, 2392856: 1–19. URL
          http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2392856
          Kakarot-Handtke, E. (2015). Major Defects of the Market Economy. SSRN Working Paper Series, 2624350: 1–40. URL http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2624350

          RC AKA Darryl, Ron -> RC AKA Darryl, Ron...

          [WOW! Typepad really screwed up that post. Here is what it dropped.

          Keynes' definitions are debatable. I am in no way advocating the comment from yesterday's 'U.S. Inflation Developments' thread that I copy here nor its linked academic papers. I am actually defending Little's poorly written paper on this thread because there is a cogent point buried in his muddled over elaborated treatise on the distinctions between physical and social sciences. After reviewing the following and considering the sources of the actual "metrics" used in macro (e.g., interest, GDP, unemployment) then you might ask whether formalization or usefulness are the more important goals for macroeconomics.

          For my part, then I find no fault in a heuristic approach as long as we know where we are trying to go. I am a huge fan of Keynes.]

          RogerFox said...

          "First, there are no theories in the social sciences that have the predictive and explanatory success of the physical sciences ..."

          That admission necessarily puts the sword to social science theorizing, including interventionist macro, as an ethical guide to real world decision-making - the intervenors themselves admit they don't know whether the consequences of their interventions will make things worse or better.

          Away with all the charlatans who insist on meddling anyway.

          ilsm -> RogerFox...

          Admission? Nah!

          But there are no pentagon theories for war that can be relied upon.

          See Vietnam, Iraq three times, Afghanistan.......

          Fox admission only applies if you ignore reality.

          djb -> RogerFox...

          Yes RogerFox

          Daniel Little who represents all people who have ever studied economics has let the cat out of the bag

          That economists don't know anything

          We were all hoping no one would notice, but of course, you are too sharp for us

          Now of course it is probably too difficult for your shrunken brain to understand that your laissez faire philosophy is an economic concept, the results of which be studied and tested

          But that's alright you got us

          DAMN !!!

          Peter K. -> RogerFox...

          "interventionist macro,"

          How can macro not be interventionist? In the middle of Krugman's latest blog post, he writes:

          "What determines where we end up on that curve? Monetary policy. The Fed sets interest rates, whether it wants to or not - even a supposed hands-off policy has to involve choosing the level of the monetary base somehow, which means that it's a monetary policy choice."

          "the intervenors themselves admit they don't know whether the consequences of their interventions will make things worse or better."

          Not so, it's often easy to judge result.

          What is Mr. Fox's school of thought? Know-nothingism? The Austrian school?

          Peter K. -> Peter K....

          https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Know_Nothing

          "The immigration of large numbers of Irish and German Catholics to the United States in the period between 1830 and 1860 made religious differences between Catholics and Protestants a political issue. Violence occasionally erupted at the polls. Protestants alleged that Pope Pius IX had put down the failed liberal Revolutions of 1848 and that he was an opponent of liberty, democracy and Republicanism. One Boston minister described Catholicism as "the ally of tyranny, the opponent of material prosperity, the foe of thrift, the enemy of the railroad, the caucus, and the school."

          "The origin of the "Know Nothing" term was in the semi-secret organization of the party. When a member was asked about its activities, he was supposed to reply, "I know nothing." Outsiders called them "Know-Nothings", and the name stuck."

          One can imagine an old-timey Donald Trump railing against Irish and German immigrants.

          Lafayette said...

          {We will understand that there are real social processes, mechanisms, and powers; that they derive from the actions and agency of actors; and that these processes can be traced out through fairly direct sociological and historical research. And we will understand too that claims about the reality of "capitalism", the world financial system, or fascism are to be understood less weightily than they first appear. Capitalism exists in a time and place; but it is understood to be an ensemble of relations and actions by the people of the time.}

          Good point.

          Capitalism is a mechanism, a tool. All outcomes depend upon how it is employed in a given socioeconomic context.

          Have all property owned by the state, then all profits will also be owned by the state, since individuals will receive only income. Of course, they tried that (calling it commune-ism), and it worked very badly.

          Having property owned by individuals is just as bad if said properties generate Income that trickles-up to Wealth, then is used to manipulate political outcomes that favor uniquely a certain class of individuals. (Which, for lack of a better word, we can call "Plutocrats".)

          Who then, because they think they are good-parents, leave their riches to their children thus extending dynastically the inherent Income Disparity into Wealth Disparity. That's not the case? Then why does Domhoff show this class breakdown of Net Worth (Wealth - Debt) in 2010:
          Top 1% Next 19% Bottom 80%
          35.4% .....53.5% .....11.1%

          No wonder the relatively poorer classes remain poor. Because if you don't have the educational qualifications (vocational, college, university) to scramble into the next class breakdown (the 20Percenters), then forget of any pretense to an existence without constant worry about how solid your job-prospects will be throughout your lifetime.

          And, with that, any social coverage for either illness or pension, etc. - ad nauseam.

          ilsm -> Lafayette...

          Capitalism is a tool [scam] to keep useful fools asking for more flogging.

          likbez -> Lafayette...

          "Capitalism is a mechanism, a tool. All outcomes depend upon how it is employed in a given socioeconomic context."

          I think outcomes can be by-and-large predicted from the form of social relations capitalism enforces. Looks like Marx prediction about increasing misery of the proletariat (or bottom 80%, if you wish) holds, despite temporary reversal of the trend in 1945-1985.

          Yes, the current form of capitalism which is neoliberalism is a tool, but it is a tool only for financial oligarchy. The tool of oppression to be exact.

          For workers of Asian sweatshops and Mexican maquiladoras and probably for a large part of Americans who face shrinking working hours (with the redefinition what full employment means -- now it does not mean 40 hours a week) and push into contractors without any social protection and McJobs, it is more of a prison then a tool.

          Here we get into the concept of countervailing force. Without countervailing force capitalism inevitably degrades into horrible, comparable with feudalism and slavery level of oppression of human beings. And in a way it creates such forces by the mere fact of its existence. In this sense the collapse of the USSR, while improved fortunes of top 20% in the USSR region, was a huge blow to lower 80% of Americans.

          Despite Margaret Thatcher pronouncement about TINA, now mankind (including large part of commenters of this blog ;-) is trying to find another viable countervailing force that can held neoliberalism in check.

          Very high oil prices might do the trick, as they will reverse globalization but they also can lead to the collapse of Western civilization as we know it.

          Some countries, like several in Latin America, try to revive elements of socialism on a new (post USSR crash) level, some elements of religious fundamentalism (with the most strong trends in Islam and Catholicism), some like Russia and China -- elements of state capitalism.

          But those development should be probably be understood in the context of the reaction on neoliberalism, not as completely independent developments.

          EugenR said...

          You speak here about Social sciences about economic factors that drive the society, about the political power in the society, and out there it is not relevant at all. Out there in the other half of the world, which is banging on the doors of your world, the main agenda is tribalism, cultural and ethical belonging.

          The leading agenda of these people, in the other half of the world is the faith in their local tribal myths. Their myth is not about God and submission to it, but about conspiracy theory of being victims. Victims of whom? Not of political and spiritual leaders from their tribes, who dragged them to the desperate existential problems. Not against the belief system, that pushes them to legitimize self imposed slavery, submission to the cruelest authority, and above all faith causing self imposed ignorance to knowledge. They don't see themselves victims of those among them, who by using force and violence, actively oppose learning and adaptation of modern teachings about social justice, political correctness, ethical systems of morality, legality, equality, fraternity.

          No! They will chose to be stuck in their old belief system familiar to them. Ancient tribal stories full of contradictions, indoctrinating and legitimating hatred, murder of the different, slavery, inequality, female discrimination, minority suppression, racism, etc. All these values, that created the political social systems and brought all this destruction in their homeland, from where they try in these days to run away, still remains to be THEIR value system. They will blame all the "others" who caused them their misery. The European colonists, the US Imperialists, the Zionists, the infidels, the homosexuals, the women exposing their natural beauty to admiration of man and women, the atheists, the scientists who still stick to their rational way of thinking, etc. But most of all will be hated those who gave them hand, when they most needed it, the humanitarian volunteers, because they are the first others, whom they encounter, when they exited from their burning world of destruction, and hate.

          They will start a fight against all the ideas of Western philosophers from Descartes to the post modernists, who seemingly successfully brought to the awareness of most of the "Western world" population the idea of human-centralism, following the disastrous WWII caused by similar myth imitators . After they settle down in their now homes, they will not torn their "Holly books", indoctrinating hate and violent action against the humanists, who put in front of their God the human being. They will not torn the burqa, the symbol of women's submission to arrogant male domination upon the women. Their spiritual leaders, when they will stand up in their legal or illegal houses of "GOD", and point to those who have to be hated. And it is not to hard to guess who they will be.

          RC AKA Darryl, Ron -> EugenR...

          Colonialism breeds reactionary radicalism among indigenous souls. On a grand scale nations do eventually reap a bit more than they sewed. Call it karma for lack of a better word.

          EugenR -> RC AKA Darryl, Ron...

          You are right, colonialism was a creepy, disastrous idea, even if at certain stage of human history it helped in the development of human understanding of the realities of the world. In the late nineteen century it became a very lousy business, and partially brought the first world war. Still to blame the Western colonialism that ended more than 50 years ago, for all the misery of Africa and the Arab world is just self deception...

          ilsm said...

          Observations on economics are blurred by the con artists and snake oil salesmen ruining civil society.

          Observer and instrument effects are symptoms.

          Peter K. said...

          "If this is the approach we take, then our claims about what is "real" in the social realm will be more modest that some have thought. We will understand that there are real social processes, mechanisms, and powers; that they derive from the actions and agency of actors; and that these processes can be traced out through fairly direct sociological and historical research."

          It's all shorthand. What needs to be kept in mind is that words and phrases are shorthand and don't really capture the concept or "real thing" they are relating between the person who employs them and the listener or reader. Math and equations too obviously are shorthand. You can follow the word or phrase with qualifying sentences to specify and clarify what you mean by it.

          So when we talk about inflation, or full employment or "real" full employment or potential GDP or the Wicksellian Natural Rate or expected inflation, they are often contested concepts because they are shorthand and don't apply in an obvious manner to something "real" out there we can touch.

          Because of all of this, people disagree on some basic ideas about the social realm. Monetary policy doesn't work they say. Fiscal policy doesn't work they say. Even if most of the smart, objective, honest, knowledgeable people you meet - or dead authors you read - say otherwise.

          Just look at Mr. Fox. Language (shorthand) and contestable ideas bend easily to those under the influence of power, privilege and money.

          [Aug 29, 2015] Great Recession Job Losses Severe, Enduring

          Nothing particularly surprising here -- the Great recession was unusually severe and unusually long, and hence had unusual impacts, but it's good to have numbers characterizing what happened:

          Great Recession Job Losses Severe, Enduring: Of those who lost full-time jobs between 2007 and 2009, only about 50 percent were employed in January 2010 and only about 75 percent of those were re-employed in full-time jobs.
          The economic downturn that began in December 2007 was associated with a rapid rise in unemployment and with an especially pronounced increase in the number of long-term unemployed. In "Job Loss in the Great Recession and its Aftermath: U.S. Evidence from the Displaced Workers Survey" (NBER Working Paper No. 21216), Henry S. Farber uses data from the Displaced Workers Survey (DWS) from 1984-2014 to study labor market dynamics. From these data he calculates both the short-term and medium-term effects of the Great Recession's sharply elevated rate of job losses. He concludes that these effects have been particularly severe.

          Of the workers who lost full-time jobs between 2007 and 2009, Farber reports, only about 50 percent were employed in January 2010 and only about 75 percent of those were re-employed in full-time jobs. This means only about 35 to 40 percent of those in the DWS who reported losing a job in 2007-09 were employed full-time in January 2010. This was by far the worst post-displacement employment experience of the 1981-2014 period.
          The adverse employment experience of job losers has also been persistent. While both overall employment rates and full-time employment rates began to improve in 2009, even those who lost jobs between 2011 and 2013 had very low re-employment rates and, by historical standards, very low full-time employment rates.
          In addition, the data show substantial weekly earnings declines even for those who did find work, although these earnings losses were not especially large by historical standards. Farber suggests that the earnings decline measure from the DWS is appropriate for understanding how job loss affects the earnings that a full-time-employed former job-loser is able to command.
          The author notes that the measures on which he focuses may understate the true economic cost of job loss, since they do not consider the value of time spent unemployed or the value of lost health insurance and pension benefits.
          Farber concludes that the costs of job losses in the Great Recession were unusually severe and remain substantial years later. Most importantly, workers laid off in the Great Recession and its aftermath have been much less successful at finding new jobs, particularly full-time jobs, than those laid off in earlier periods. The findings suggest that job loss since the Great Recession has had severe adverse consequences for employment and earnings.

          [Aug 28, 2015] Q2 GDP Revised up to 3.7%

          Aug 28, 2015 | Economist's View

          anon

          The Fed wants to raise interest rates:

          - in the hope of preserving there institutional economic significance,

          - out of a sense of loyalty to the Fed's history of financial influence using interest rates,

          - because using rates to influence economic events increases their professional comfort,

          - and because their economic grad school training was to fear wage push inflation above all else (they seem to believe that if inflation exceeds 2% it is a harbinger of hyper inflation).

          Economists are post-industrial shamans whose witch doctor modeling impedes macro economic understanding. The precision of models is ersatz, more or less inversely proportional to its real world relevance. The delusion of being a scientist is critical to their professional self-respect.

          Dan Kervick -> lower middle class...

          A 3.7% quarter with several hands tied behind our backs by a don-nothing government. Think about what we could do if we were really trying.

          pgl -> Dan Kervick...

          YEA! Let's build that Mexican wall. Let's wage war on China. Lord - the stupidity here is multiplying!

          Dan Kervick -> pgl...

          This is an area in which you seem to be persistently incapable of avoiding lies.

          You know very well that are a large number of ambitious long-term projects the US could do that are non-military, have nothing to do with immigration and could boost output tremendously.

          You're becoming part of the LPTS crew: "liberal pundits terrified of socialism."

          That's why Brad DeLong has an embargo on any talk about Bernie Sanders and his ideas.

          That's why Paul Krugman is also avoiding Sanders like the plague and using daily red meet partisan servings to keep Democrats' attention riveted on the foibles of the Republicans.

          That's why Brendan Nyhan has yet another column warning us all about the dangers of "Green Lanternism".

          You're all pants-wetting terrified that the American people are tired of do-nothing neoliberal government, and will figure out that with a more assertive and economically engaged central government dynamic growth and social transformation are possible, and that the stagnation, predatory exploitation, cruel subjugation and social destruction wrought 40 years of neoliberalism was a horrible and completely avoidable mistake.

          40% of this country has household income of under $40,000 per year. If we remove the plutocratic capitalist stranglehold on this economy, use government to more efficiently distribute and invest our national wealth, and demote private enterprise to its proper subordinate place, we could double that rapidly and drive a wave of high-growth social transformation with all of the liberated economic energy.

          This is going to happen. Take your pick: we're either going to get the somewhat fascistic and racist Trump version on strong government or democratic socialist version. The Ivy League twits hanging on for dear life to their established networks, revolving doors, tit-for-tatting, sinecures and don't-rock-the-boat regime of stagnant managerialism are going to butts handed to them by history.

          pgl -> Dan Kervick...

          Blah, blah, blah. I guess we could employ more economists at the BEA to do what they are already doing at Census.

          Dan Kervick -> pgl...

          The Census doesn't and can't combine income distribution numbers with growth numbers on a monthly and quarterly basis. The BEA could collect this data, but doesn't, because it is part of their mission to pretend class conflict doesn't exist.

          The top quintile in the US pulls down about 50% percent of the income. That means we could get 3.7% annualized growth if their income grew by 6% while everybody else's income grew by less than 1/2 a percent.

          Is that what's happening? Inquiring minds want to know. It seems like a natural mission for the BEA to track this. But they don't.

          pgl -> Dan Kervick...

          You have no clue what these people do or the task you are whining about. With all you incessant babbling and whining - your keyboard is likely ready to just rot away.

          Me? I'm headed down to the Starbucks to whine that they don't make tacos. Duh.

          Dan Kervick -> pgl...

          I know what they do, and I know what they don't do. Their mission should be expanded.

          likbez -> Dan Kervick...

          Dan,

          I think you are mistaken about "a natural mission for the BEA to track this". Our elected officials and Wall Street executives all have a vested interest in keeping the perception of a robust economy alive. The economy growth numbers and the employment data announced are critical to this perception, but a thorough analysis of the data suggests something quite different that what we are told.

          Statistics now became more and more "number racket" performed, like in the USSR, in the interest of the powers that be.

          • Think about "substitution" games in measuring consumer inflation.
          • Think about "Birth/Death adjustment" in employment data.
          • Think about tricks they play with GDP measurement.

          The net result of this tricks is that the error margin of government statistics is pretty high. And nobody in economic profession is taking into account those error margins.

          So in no way we can accept this 3.7% annualized growth figure. This is a fuzzy number, a distribution from probably 2.7% to 3.7%. Only upper bound is reported. And if you delve into the methodology deeper this range might be even wider. What is actually the assumption of quarterly inflation in the USA used in calculation of this number?

          Which is another factor that makes neoliberal economics a pseudoscience, a branch of Lysenkoism.

          JohnH -> Dan Kervick...

          This is very revealing...nobody provides regular statistics on distribution. That lack of interest makes it blatantly obvious that policy makers only care about the top number--GDP--and are totally uninterested in knowing whether most Americans are prospering or not.

          There is one source that updates Census data on a monthly basis. It shows that real median household income is still 3.8% below where it was in 2008 or in 2001. In fact, it's back where it was in the 1980s.

          Of course, the 'recovery' has trickled down a bit, just as you would expect from trickle down monetary policy. Real median household incomes are no longer 9.6% below where they were in 2008...they're now only 3.8% below.
          http://www.advisorperspectives.com/dshort/updates/Median-Household-Income-Update.php

          Meanwhile, Saez and Montecino have pointed out that the 1% got 58% of the gains from the 'recovery,' while the 99% got 42%.

          Of course, pgl doesn't even care enough about this to know where the data is...and, apparently, most 'liberal' economists are just as indifferent to distribution as he is.

          Dan Kervick -> JohnH...

          If it weren't for Piketty and Saez, we'd still be fumbling around in the dark on income and wealth distribution.

          JohnH -> JohnH...

          There's more here: real median household income by quintile 1967-2013
          http://www.advisorperspectives.com/dshort/updates/Household-Income-Distribution.php

          It shows the dramatic the separation between the top quintile and the bottom 80% during the Clinton years. Separation was even greater for the top 5%.

          Yet the only thing that most economists ever notice is GDP growth...

          pgl -> JohnH...

          "Yet the only thing that most economists ever notice is GDP growth".

          There you go again. Clueless as can be and lying your ass off.

          likbez -> pgl...

          And what you actually know about methodology of calculation of this GDP number. Inquiring minds want to know.

          Correct calculation of nominal GDP depends on correct calculation of inflation, which is the most politicized of economic metrics and as such subject to tremendous level of manipulation.

          Simon Kuznets, the economist who developed the first comprehensive set of measures of national income, stated in his first report to the US Congress in 1934, in a section titled "Uses and Abuses of National Income Measurements":

          === Start of quote ====
          The valuable capacity of the human mind to simplify a complex situation in a compact characterization becomes dangerous when not controlled in terms of definitely stated criteria. With quantitative measurements especially, the definiteness of the result suggests, often misleadingly, a precision and simplicity in the outlines of the object measured. Measurements of national income are subject to this type of illusion and resulting abuse, especially since they deal with matters that are the center of conflict of opposing social groups where the effectiveness of an argument is often contingent upon oversimplification. [...]

          All these qualifications upon estimates of national income as an index of productivity are just as important when income measurements are interpreted from the point of view of economic welfare. But in the latter case additional difficulties will be suggested to anyone who wants to penetrate below the surface of total figures and market values. Economic welfare cannot be adequately measured unless the personal distribution of income is known. And no income measurement undertakes to estimate the reverse side of income, that is, the intensity and unpleasantness of effort going into the earning of income. The welfare of a nation can, therefore, scarcely be inferred from a measurement of national income as defined above.

          JohnH -> JohnH...

          Another look at the ineffectiveness of trickle down monetary policy: all but the top decile have suffered decreases in wages and compensation since 2007.
          http://www.epi.org/publication/pay-is-stagnant-for-vast-majority-even-when-you-include-benefits/

          Young Economists Feel They Have to be Very Cautious'

          August 23, 2015 |

          From an interview of Paul Romer in the WSJ:

          ...Q: What kind of feedback have you received from colleagues in the profession?

          A: I tried these ideas on a few people, and the reaction I basically got was "don't make waves." As people have had time to react, I've been hearing a bit more from people who appreciate me bringing these issues to the forefront. The most interesting feedback is from young economists who say that they feel that they have to be very cautious, and they don't want to get somebody cross at them. There's a concern by young economists that if they deviate from what's acceptable, they'll get in trouble. That also seemed to me to be a sign of something that is really wrong. Young people are the ones who often come in and say, "You all have been thinking about this the wrong way, here's a better way to think about it."

          ... ... ...

          Posted by Mark Thoma on Sunday, August 23, 2015 at 12:27 AM in Economics, Macroeconomics, Methodology | Permalink Comments (7)

          pgl said...

          Very interesting interview on many fronts. What you highlighted - "The most interesting feedback is from young economists who say that they feel that they have to be very cautious, and they don't want to get somebody cross at them. There's a concern by young economists that if they deviate from what's acceptable, they'll get in trouble." - is itself troubling. Young scholars should dare to be different. Fama and Shiller viewed financial economics from very different perspectives and we are all the better for it as the Nobel Prize committee recognized.

          djb said...

          For young economists caution is a rational approach

          Preferably get an advisor whose work you agree with or encourages your intellectual explorations

          But the formula: Get on, get honored, get honest is probably the best approach

          tom said...

          The story is true for young academics in general. As in many areas, the rules don't apply to the superstars, or to those expressing the views held by the establishment....

          Peter K. said in reply to tom...

          "The story is true for young academics in general."

          Or many jobs or careers in general? It's a nice by-product of loose labor markets where employers hold all of the cards.

          Go along to get along. Don't make waves.

          DeDude said...

          This is one of the unfortunate side-effects of human tribalism. When you challenge the tribe you belong to (or say something in support of a competing tribe), you are viewed as "one of them" rather than "one of us". That will inevitably make you less likely to gain support from the tribe you belong to and in early stage careers that could be detrimental to your success. Tribalism is a basic human character flaw that we cannot get rid of no matter how much we would like. Maybe we could try to create a "tribe of truth" where the thing that will get you "one of them'ed" is a failure to seek the truths, regardless. I know -99% of scientist will claim that this is exactly what they are doing (just like they will claim they are above average). But how about holding their feet to the fire on that.

          Benedict@Large said...

          When I first heard the expression "dismal science", I thought, what is so dismal about economics? Now that I've learned economics however, whenever i hear the the expression "dismal economics", I think, what is so science about it?

          Lafayette said...

          {There's a concern by young economists that if they deviate from what's acceptable, they'll get in trouble.}

          Sad, very sad. Whatever happened to Intellectual Freedom in the US?

          It's hidden in a blog behind a pseudonym?

          1984! Group Think!

          I submit this trend started with the Rabid Right and Reckless Ronnie in the 1980s. Let's hope it is coming to its well-deserved end.

          But, maybe not ...

          [Aug 22, 2015] Why Is Market Fundamentalism So Tenacious

          The analogy with Trotskyism, which is also a secular religion here are so evident, that they can't be missed. And that explains why it is so tenacious: all cults are extremely tenacious and very difficult to eradiate.
          Notable quotes:
          "... As the neoliberal revolution instigated by Reagan and Thatcher in the 1980 has spread, however, Polanyi has been rediscovered. His great book – now republished with a foreword by Joseph Stiglitz – has attracted a new generation of readers. ..."
          "... The cult of free market fundamentalism has become so normative in our times, and economics as a discipline so hidebound and insular, that reading Polanyi today is akin to walking into a stiff gust of fresh air. We can suddenly see clear, sweeping vistas of social reality. Instead of the mandarin, quantitative and faux-scientific presumptions of standard economics – an orthodoxy of complex illusions about "autonomous" markets – Polanyi explains how markets are in fact embedded in a complex web of social, cultural and historical realities. ..."
          "... Markets can only work, for example, if political and legal institutions contrive to transform people, land and money into assets that can be bought and sold. Polanyi calls these "fictional commodities" because people, land and money are not in fact commodities. People and land have their own existence and purposes apart from the market – and money is a social institution, even if many pretend that gold is a self-evident medium of value. ..."
          "... Block and Somers point to a closed and coherent ideational scheme that knits together several key belief systems. The first is the idea that the laws of nature govern human society, and thus the workings of the economy are seen as a biological and evolutionary inevitability. A second theme is the idea of "theoretical realism," a belief that the theoretical schema is more true and enduring than any single piece of empirical evidence, and thus one can argue from the claims of theory and not from facts. ..."
          "... Finally, a "conversion narrative" enables free marketeers tell to neutralize and delegitimate any contrary arguments, and enabling them to introduce its alternative story. This approach is routinely used to re-cast the reasons (and blame) for poverty. ..."
          "... What makes The Power of Market Fundamentalism so illuminating is its patient, careful reconstruction of these recurring and deceptive polemical patterns. The wealthy invoke the same rhetorical strategies again and again over the course of hundreds of years in extremely different contexts. With their mastery of an enormous contemporary literature, Block and Somers document the remarkable parallels and show just how deep and durable Polanyi's analysis truly is ..."
          www.resilience.org

          One of the great economists of the twentieth century had the misfortune of publishing his magnum opus, The Great Transformation, in 1944, months before the inauguration of a new era of postwar economic growth and consumer culture. Few people in the 1940s or 1950s wanted to hear piercing criticisms of "free markets," let alone consider the devastating impacts that markets tend to have on social solidarity and the foundational institutions of civil society. And so for decades Polanyi remained something of a curiosity, not least because he was an unconventional academic with a keen interest in the historical and anthropological dimensions of economics.

          As the neoliberal revolution instigated by Reagan and Thatcher in the 1980 has spread, however, Polanyi has been rediscovered. His great book – now republished with a foreword by Joseph Stiglitz – has attracted a new generation of readers.

          But how to make sense of Polanyi's work with all that has happened in the past 70 years? Why does he still speak so eloquently to our contemporary problems? For answers, we can be grateful that we have The Power of Market Fundamentalism: Karl Polanyi's Critique, written by Fred Block and Margaret R. Somers, and published last year. The book is a first-rate reinterpretation of Polanyi's work, giving it a rich context and commentary. Polanyi focused on the deep fallacies of economistic thinking and its failures to understand society and people as they really are. What could be more timely?

          The cult of free market fundamentalism has become so normative in our times, and economics as a discipline so hidebound and insular, that reading Polanyi today is akin to walking into a stiff gust of fresh air. We can suddenly see clear, sweeping vistas of social reality. Instead of the mandarin, quantitative and faux-scientific presumptions of standard economics – an orthodoxy of complex illusions about "autonomous" markets – Polanyi explains how markets are in fact embedded in a complex web of social, cultural and historical realities.

          Markets can only work, for example, if political and legal institutions contrive to transform people, land and money into assets that can be bought and sold. Polanyi calls these "fictional commodities" because people, land and money are not in fact commodities. People and land have their own existence and purposes apart from the market – and money is a social institution, even if many pretend that gold is a self-evident medium of value.

          Notwithstanding these realities, capitalist societies ahve created these fictional commodities. People have in effect been transformed into units of "labor" that can be bought and sold in the market, and discarded when their value is depleted. Land, too, is treated as a market asset that has no connection to a larger, living ecosystem or human community. Inevitably, people and users of land (and ecosystems themselves) rebel against their treatment as raw commodities. The result is a permanent counter-movement against those who insist upon treating people and land as commodities.

          Unlike Keynes, who was willing to accept some of these economic illusions in order to have political impact, Polanyi rejected them as a recipe for a dangerous and unachievable utopianism. That is in fact what has emerged over the past several generations as business ideologues have advanced quasi-religious visions of free market fundamentalism. The planet's natural systems and our communities simply cannot fulfill these utopian dreams of endless economic growth, vast consumption of resources and the massive social engineering. And yet it continues.

          Polanyi was courageous enough to strip away the pretenses that the economy is a "force of nature" that cannot be stopped. The economy, he said, is an "instituted process," not a natural one, and it can only survive through massive governmental interventions and cultural regimentation. The free market system is hardly autonomous and self-executing. It requires enormous amounts of government purchasing, research subsidies, legal privileges, regulatory agencies to enhance fairness and public trust, military interventions to secure access to resources and markets, and the sabotage of democratic processes that might threaten investments and market growth. The 2008 financial crisis revealed in outrageous detail how financial markets are anything but autonomous.

          So what accounts for the insidious power of market fundamentalism and its illusions? Why do its premises remain intact and influential in the face of so much contrary evidence?

          Block and Somers point to a closed and coherent ideational scheme that knits together several key belief systems. The first is the idea that the laws of nature govern human society, and thus the workings of the economy are seen as a biological and evolutionary inevitability. A second theme is the idea of "theoretical realism," a belief that the theoretical schema is more true and enduring than any single piece of empirical evidence, and thus one can argue from the claims of theory and not from facts. Free market narratives assert their own self-validating claims to what is true; epistemological categories trump all empirical challenges.

          Finally, a "conversion narrative" enables free marketeers tell to neutralize and delegitimate any contrary arguments, and enabling them to introduce its alternative story. This approach is routinely used to re-cast the reasons (and blame) for poverty. Instead of acknowledging institutional or structural explanations for why many people are poor, the free market narrative boldly attacks government for making people poor through aid programs. Government programs supposedly have a perverse effect, aggravating, not aleviating poverty. The poor are cast as morally responsible – along with government – for their own sorry circumstances. Thus, a higher minimum wage is perverse, say free market champions, because it will hurt the poor rather than help them.

          What makes The Power of Market Fundamentalism so illuminating is its patient, careful reconstruction of these recurring and deceptive polemical patterns. The wealthy invoke the same rhetorical strategies again and again over the course of hundreds of years in extremely different contexts. With their mastery of an enormous contemporary literature, Block and Somers document the remarkable parallels and show just how deep and durable Polanyi's analysis truly is .

          [Aug 22, 2015] Fifteen Fatal Fallacies of Financial Fundamentalism

          anne said in reply to JF... http://www.columbia.edu/dlc/wp/econ/vickrey.html

          October 5, 1996

          Fifteen Fatal Fallacies of Financial Fundamentalism
          A Disquisition on Demand Side Economics
          By William Vickrey
          ________________________________

          Much of the conventional economic wisdom prevailing in financial circles, largely subscribed to as a basis for governmental policy, and widely accepted by the media and the public, is based on incomplete analysis, contrafactual assumptions, and false analogy. For instance, encouragement to saving is advocated without attention to the fact that for most people encouraging saving is equivalent to discouraging consumption and reducing market demand, and a purchase by a consumer or a government is also income to vendors and suppliers, and government debt is also an asset. Equally fallacious are implications that what is possible or desirable for individuals one at a time will be equally possible or desirable for all who might wish to do so or for the economy as a whole.

          And often analysis seems to be based on the assumption that future economic output is almost entirely determined by inexorable economic forces independently of government policy so that devoting more resources to one use inevitably detracts from availability for another. This might be justifiable in an economy at chock-full employment, or it might be validated in a sense by postulating that the Federal Reserve Board will pursue and succeed in a policy of holding unemployment strictly to a fixed "non-inflation-accelerating" or "natural" rate. But under current conditions such success is neither likely nor desirable.

          Some of the fallacies that result from such modes of thought are as follows. Taken together their acceptance is leading to policies that at best are keeping us in the economic doldrums with overall unemployment rates stuck in the 5 to 6 percent range. This is bad enough merely in terms of the loss of 10 to 15 percent of our potential production, even if shared equitably, but when it translates into unemployment of 10, 20, and 40 percent among disadvantaged groups, the further damages in terms of poverty, family breakup, school truancy and dropout, illegitimacy, drug use, and crime become serious indeed. And should the implied policies be fully carried out in terms of a "balanced budget," we could well be in for a serious depression....

          Reply Friday, August 21, 2015 at 06:21 AM

          [Aug 22, 2015] Scientists Do Not Demonize Dissenters. Nor Do They Worship Heroes.

          Paul Romer's latest entry on "mathiness" in economics ends with:
          Reactions to Solow's Choice: ...Politics maps directly onto our innate moral machinery. Faced with any disagreement, our moral systems respond by classifying people into our in-group and the out-group. They encourage us to be loyal to members of the in-group and hostile to members of the out-group. The leaders of an in-group demand deference and respect. In selecting leaders, we prize unwavering conviction.

          Science can't function with the personalization of disagreement that these reactions encourage. The question of whether Joan Robinson is someone who is admired and respected as a scientist has to be separated from the question about whether she was right that economists could reason about rates of return in a model that does not have an explicit time dimension.

          The only in-group versus out-group distinction that matters in science is the one that distinguishes people who can live by the norms of science from those who cannot. Feynman integrity is the marker of an insider.

          In this group, it is flexibility that commands respect, not unwavering conviction. Clearly articulated disagreement is encouraged. Anyone's claim is subject to challenge. Someone who is right about A can be wrong about B.

          Scientists do not demonize dissenters. Nor do they worship heroes.

          [The reference to Joan Robinson is clarified in the full text.]

          Adam Eran said...

          Max Planck would disagree: "The truth never triumphs. Its opponents simply die out. Science advances one funeral at a time."

          Friday, August 21, 2015 at 04:02 PM

          anne said in reply to Adam Eran...

          https://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Max_Planck

          1948

          A new scientific truth does not triumph by convincing its opponents and making them see the light, but rather because its opponents eventually die, and a new generation grows up that is familiar with it.

          -- Max Planck

          [ Thomas Kuhn would later write of this. ]

          likbez said...

          Now science became highly political occupation. This is especially true about economics.

          So dismal behavior of scientists and flourishing of pseudoscience are to be expected. Rewards offered to conformists are just too great not to seduce people.

          Actually it looks like Lysenkoism is the mark of the present and the future, not so much of the past.

          [Aug 15, 2015] We Always Thanked Robert Lucas for Giving Us a... Monopoly Over Valuable Macroeconomics

          Over at Equitable Growth: The extremely sharp Paul Romer gets something, I think, very very wrong in paragraph 3 of his latest weblog post. Paul is, I think, the captive of a folk story about the economy and economics that only survives--that could only survive--only within the epistemically-closed empirically-irrelevant calibration-scholastic hothouse that is the post-Friedman Chicago School:

          Paul Romer: Solow's Choice: "Robert Solow's had a choice about how to respond...

          ...He chose sarcastic denial over serious engagement. His optimistic assessment of the prospects for the simulation models, a grade of B or B- but nothing 'in that record that suggests suicide,' is hard to reconcile with the decision by virtually all macroeconomists to abandon work on them...

          Ummm...

          That seem to me to be pretty completely wrong. READ MOAR

          Consider Macro Advisers. Macro Advisors makes a very good living today selling its simulation models:

          Macro Advisers: Model Services: "We released a major update of our structural macro model, MA/US in December 2012...

          ...We are proud to share our modeling with clients who want to make their own forecasts, conduct their own policy analysis and develop their own alternative scenarios. Clients interested in developing their own model-based forecasts understand that model building and forecasting is a team sport, requiring vast resources. By subscribing to MA's Model Service, these clients have access to MA's structural econometric model of the U.S. economy, MA/US, and receive extensive support from the MA team... clients are able to produce their own forecasts, perform policy analysis, and construct alternative scenarios...

          And MA's founder Laurence Meyer still finds his structural model very useful--and believes that it would be an error to require it impose rational expectations everywhere:

          Laurence Meyer: What I Learned at the Fed: "Bond markets are fiercely forward-looking and have to be modelled as such...

          ...Rational expectations also appears to be important in explaining the effect of a productivity acceleration, specifically in terms of capturing the effect on equity valuations of forward-looking expectations of earnings growth and the effect on consumer spending of forward-looking expectations of the growth of wage income. On the other hand, I don't find rational expectations as compelling when it comes to inflation dynamics. With respect to understanding the effects of monetary policy, it is forward-looking behaviour in the bond market that is especially important...

          Larry Meyer gives his assessment of all of the impact of Lucas and the rest of Chicago macro thus:

          John Cassidy (1996): The Decline of Economics: "Meyer... "In our firm...

          ...we always thanked Robert Lucas for giving us a virtual monopoly. Because of Lucas and others, for two decades no graduate students are trained who were capable of competing with us by building econometric models that had a hope of explaining short-run output and price dynamics. [Academic economics Ph.D. programs] educated a lot of macroeconomists who were trained to do only two things--teach macroeconomics to graduate students, and publish in the journals.

          Cassidy continues:

          Meyer also pointed out that the large-scale Keynesian models that Lucas criticized have actually tracked the economy pretty accurately... when... modified....

          People who have spent their lives doing macroeconomic forecasting and policy analysis know that over the last twenty-five years the Phillips curve has been the single most reliable tool in their tool kit...

          And:

          Meyer dismissed Lucas's followers as practitioners of what he terms closed-blind economics, saying mockingly:

          When you close the blinds, you don't look out of your window and you don't care what's happening out there. You don't try to build models which are consistent with the real world. With the blinds closed, it's hard to see anything...

          It is not just private-sector clients who are going to make investment decisions that depend on having a good macroeconomic forecast who are willing to pay handsomely for the output of the simulation models Romer scorns. The same holds true for central bankers as well:

          Greg Mankiw: The Macroeconomist as Scientist and Engineer: "Laurence Meyer... left his job as an economics professor at Washington University...

          ...and as a prominent economic consultant to serve for six years as a Governor of the Federal Reserve. His book... leaves the reader with one clear impression: recent developments in business cycle theory, promulgated by both new classicals and new Keynesians, have had close to zero impact on practical policymaking. Meyer's analysis of economic fluctuations and monetary policy is intelligent and nuanced, but it shows no traces of modern macroeconomic theory. It would seem almost completely familiar to someone who was schooled in the neoclassical-Keynesian synthesis that prevailed around 1970 and has ignored the scholarly literature ever since. Meyer's worldview would be easy to dismiss as outdated if it were idiosyncratic, but it's not. It is typical of economists who have held top positions in the world's central banks...

          Mankiw concludes:

          Greg Mankiw: The Macroeconomist as Scientist and Engineer: "A new consensus has emerged about the best way to understand economic fluctuations...

          ...The heart of this new synthesis--a dynamic general equilibrium system with nominal rigidities--is precisely what one finds in the early Keynesian models. Hicks proposed the IS-LM model, for example, in an attempt at putting the ideas of Keynes into a general equilibrium setting. (Recall that Hicks won the 1972 Nobel Prize jointly with Kenneth Arrow for contributions to general equilibrium theory.) Klein, Modigliani, and the other [structural simulation] model builders were attempting to bring that general equilibrium system to the data to devise better policy. To a large extent, the new synthesis picks up the research agenda that the profession abandoned, at the behest of the new classicals, in the 1970s....

          The new classical economists promised more than they could deliver. Their stated aim was to discard Keynesian theorizing and replace it with market-clearing models that could be convincingly brought to the data and then used for policy analysis.... The movement failed.... Their analytic tools that are now being used to develop another generation of models that assume sticky prices and that, in many ways, resemble the models that the new classicals were campaigning against.

          The new Keynesians can claim a degree of vindication here. The new synthesis discards the market-clearing assumption that Solow called "foolishly restrictive"and that the new Keynesian research on sticky prices aimed to undermine. Yet the new Keynesians can be criticized for having taken the new classicals' bait and, as a result, pursuing a research program that turned out to be too abstract and insufficiently practical...

          From my perspective, to bet at the end of the 1970s that the right road was to require (a) consistency with the preferences of a rational representative agent, and (b) price-taking market-clearing was a completely wrong and disastrous choice of academic fashion. I can think of a dozen alternative academic intellectual fashions that might have been adopted, and I cannot think that any of them would have been less productive.

          Robert Solow tried to stop this when it started. And Robert Solow was right to do so:

          Suppose someone sits down where you are sitting right now and announces to me that he is Napoleon Bonaparte. The last thing I want to do with him is to get involved in a technical discussion of cavalry tactics at the Battle of Austerlitz. If I do that, I'm getting tacitly drawn into the game that he is Napoleon Bonaparte. Now, Bob Lucas and Tom Sargent like nothing better than to get drawn into technical discussions, because then you have tacitly gone along with their fundamental assumptions; your attention is attracted away from the basic weakness of the whole story. Since I find that fundamental framework ludicrous, I respond by treating it as ludicrous--that is, by laughing at it--so as not to fall into the trap of taking it seriously and passing on to matters of technique...

          Charles Steindel said...

          Seems to me that what he means by "macroeconomists" are assistant profs at research universities, not the people at MA.

          I'm probably the last person who got a Ph.D. at MIT for doing something that might be called improving equation 62 out of 97 (this happens to be the precise period of the year I finished--I handed in the thesis the day after Elvis died!). While hardly a major piece of work, much of it was involved, in fact, with trying to clarify some of those ridiculous identifying assumptions (most notably, crudely trying to match income expectations in the consumption function with profit expectations consistent with stock market valuation). So even the left tail of MIT was aware of this other world (I did put in a reference to Lucas, in fact). More notably, Olivier Blanchard's thesis, finished a few months earlier, was concerned with introducing learning into a rational expectations view of the world. Olivier, of course, was the hottest student on the market so every serious place would have been aware in 1976-77 that MIT was absorbing the SAGE views. Stan and/or Rudi were on every macro student's committee (and Bob Hall, somebody else important at MIT at that time, was also on quite a number). I don't quite understand why Bob Solow's conference comments would be seen as such a big deal and regarded as a general MIT or "saltwater" view.

          I'm not all that enamored with the specific policy results of the MA and other updated models (if the empirical Phillips Curves are the best thing around, which I kind of agree with, there is a lot missing), but I agree that they appear to capture something real, and after 35 or 40 years the "SAGE" research program has failed to supplant them in real-world policy analysis. I'm not sure that more amicable dialogue between advocates and skeptics would have improved practice all that much.

          Blissex said...

          I read BdL's blog mostly for the excellent selections of quotes from "reblogging" topics, and the usually excellent quotes and exposition about the history of economic thought, and quite a bit less for the tiresome "Rubin wing of the Democratic party" water-carrying financial speculators.

          But post like this are really interesting. Plus I agree with the poor value of the rational expectations approach plus RBC plus large chunks of New Keynesianism plus neoclassical synthesis...

          Still I mildly object to this from Meyer:

          "People who have spent their lives doing macroeconomic forecasting and policy analysis know that over the last twenty-five years the Phillips curve has been the single most reliable tool in their tool kit"

          Because it says nothing about the validity of the Phillips curve or the theoretical constructs under which it can be explained, because I think and there is a bit of literature that confirms that the Phillips curve applies sometimes but not others (but you don't know in advanced when) across the world.

          But I am prepared to believe that L Meyer *specifically* has a good record using it for this USA economy model forecasts because of the reason hinted by this other quote:

          "Laurence Meyer ... left his job as an economics professor at Washington University ... and as a prominent economic consultant to serve for six years as a Governor of the Federal Reserve. His book ... leaves the reader with one clear impression: recent developments in business cycle theory, promulgated by both new classicals and new Keynesians, have had close to zero impact on practical policymaking."

          What this hints that the Phillip curve is relevant not because it "just happens", but because USA policymakers *make it happen* as it is part of their policy toolkit.

          Since L Meyer knows by direct experience that the USA policymakers follow, or rather make happen, the Phillips curve, he is selling that bit of knowledge to his company's customers embedded in the company's model.

          As ZeroHedge memorably said, the best money making opportunities are from front running government policy. If government policymaking uses the Phillips curve, then L Meyer is effectively helping his customers to front-run government policymaking, which is pretty good.

          BTW the quote I think where I first saw the very interesting notion of front-running government policy here:

          zerohedge.blogspot.dk/2009/02/waiting-for-godot-or-latest-government.html
          "This week's run up in the market was, without doubt, purely an exercise in front-running the government's pumping of more taxpayers' funds into financial "assets""

          An even more explicit expression here:

          www.pragcap.com/the-global-government-put/
          "One of the keys to succeeding in this market during the balance sheet recession has been discovering government interventionist policies, front running them and selling the news. It's absurd that I am even writing about this, but this is our reality. The global government put has come to dominate every twist and turn in the markets. There is no buy and hold. There is no value investing."

          [Aug 03, 2015] Freshwater's Wrong Turn

          "... This reminds me of the "we create reality" stuff from the neo-cons. Maybe it's just more infection of Straussian "ethics" at UofC (see Shadia Drury).
          Aug 2, 2015 | Economist's View

          Paul Krugman follows up on Paul Romer's latest attack on "mathiness":

          Freshwater's Wrong Turn (Wonkish): Paul Romer has been writing a series of posts on the problem he calls "mathiness", in which economists write down fairly hard-to-understand mathematical models accompanied by verbal claims that don't actually match what's going on in the math. Most recently, he has been recounting the pushback he's getting from freshwater macro types, who seem him as allying himself with evil people like me - whereas he sees them as having turned away from science toward a legalistic, adversarial form of pleading.
          You can guess where I stand on this. But in his latest, he notes some of the freshwater types appealing to their glorious past, claiming that Robert Lucas in particular has a record of intellectual transparency that should insulate him from criticism now. PR replies that Lucas once was like that, but no longer, and asks what happened.
          Well, I'm pretty sure I know the answer. ...

          It's hard to do an extract capturing all the points, so you'll likely want to read the full post, but in summary:

          So what happened to freshwater, I'd argue, is that a movement that started by doing interesting work was corrupted by its early hubris; the braggadocio and trash-talking of the 1970s left its leaders unable to confront their intellectual problems, and sent them off on the path Paul now finds so troubling.

          Recent tweets, email, etc. in response to posts I've done on mathiness reinforce just how unwilling many are to confront their tribalism. In the past, I've blamed the problems in macro on, in part, the sociology within the profession (leading to a less than scientific approach to problems as each side plays the advocacy game) and nothing that has happened lately has altered that view.

          Posted by Mark Thoma on Sunday, August 2, 2015 at 11:54 AM in Economics, Macroeconomics, Methodology | Permalink Comments (20)

          pgl said...
          When I first heard this Lucas island - also known as Friedman-Phelps - story about business cycles being driven by unanticipated inflation, it initially stuck me as interested. Then I thought about the fact that the Rational Expectations version would have trouble explaining why nominal shocks affect real events for more than a few months.

          No - it did not take long to realize that this nice neat model could not explain the real world. But what we usually got back then is a large parade of statistical techniques that just confused matters even more.

          At which I began to wonder what I was interested in macroeconomics in the first place.

          eightnine2718281828mu5 said in reply to pgl...
          ---
          the braggadocio and trash-talking of the 1970s left its leaders unable to confront their intellectual problems
          ---

          iow, assigning a higher value to their accumulated research (reputation?) than it was actually worth.

          sticky prices indeed.

          RC AKA Darryl, Ron said in reply to eightnine2718281828mu5...
          :<)

          [For most of us then:]

          "...Freedom's just another word for nothing left to lose
          Nothing don't mean nothing honey, if it ain't free
          Feeling good was easy, Lord, when he sang the blues
          You know, feeling good was good enough for me
          Good enough for me and my Bobby McGee..."
          ARTIST: Kris Kristofferson
          TITLE: Me and Bobby McGee

          *

          [For most of them then freedom is just a matter of low-regulation low-tax supply side economic policy. TO which end their statistics demand many degrees of "freedom" and they have taken increasingly more extensive "freedoms" with their theories ever since Uncle Milty taught us about "Capitalism and Freedom," why the initial conclusions reached by Keynes were all wrong, and why monetarism was sacred. (barf)

          I remember the 1970's well. The terminal punctuation was Reagan's election in 1980. When I was drafted in 1969 I still retained some hope, although much diminished since MLK was murdered a year earlier. By the time I returned from Viet Nam it was just one slap in the face after another. All our (the social movement that happened alongside the hippies) hopes from the 60's were dashed. Blacks were to be "locked" into ghettos by public policy and the working class was to be sacrificed on the alter of corporatism one merger or outsource at a time. ]

          anne said...

          https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Real_business_cycle_theory

          Real business cycle theory models (RBC theory) are a class of New classical macroeconomics models in which business cycle fluctuations to a large extent can be accounted for by real (in contrast to nominal) shocks. Unlike other leading theories of the business cycle, RBC theory sees business cycle fluctuations as the efficient response to exogenous changes in the real economic environment. That is, the level of national output necessarily maximizes expected utility, and governments should therefore concentrate on long-run structural policy changes and not intervene through discretionary fiscal or monetary policy designed to actively smooth out economic short-term fluctuations.

          anne said in reply to anne...
          http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2014/02/17/the-trouble-with-being-abstruse-slightly-wonkish/

          February 17, 2014

          The Trouble With Being Abstruse (Slightly Wonkish)
          By Paul Krugman

          Political scientists who write clearly for a broader audience are upset * with Nick Kristof ** for saying that political scientists no longer write for a broader audience. I'm not going to get into that fight. I do want to register one point, however: In my field there is indeed a problem with abstruseness, with the many academics who never even try to put their thoughts in plain language.

          And what is the nature of that problem? It's not that laypeople don't understand what the academics are saying. It is, instead, that the academics themselves don't understand what they're saying.

          Don't get me wrong: I like mathematical modeling. Mathematical modeling is a friend of mine. Math can be a powerful clarifying tool. So, in some cases, can jargon, which used right can both save time and add clarity to the discussion. If I talk about Dixit-Stiglitz preferences, or for that matter the zero lower bound, technically trained economists immediately know whereof I speak, where plain English would both take longer and leave room for misunderstanding.

          But it's really important to step away from the math and drop the jargon every once in a while, and not just as a public service. Trying to explain what you're doing intuitively isn't just for the proles; it's an important way to check on yourself, to be sure that your story is at least halfway plausible.

          Take real business cycle theory – I know it's a horse I beat a lot, but it's not dead, and it's a prime example within economics of what I have in mind. I still want to spend at least some time explaining that theory to my undergrads, so I've been looking for a simple, intuitive explanation by an RBC theorist of what's going on. And I haven't been able to find one!

          I mean, I could do it myself. Strip the story down to basics – make it a steady-state model, not a growth model, and drop the capital accumulation; what you're left with is fluctuations in the marginal productivity of labor, which have a magnified impact on output because workers choose to work less when the technology is bad and more when the technology is good. As I've written before someplace, it's the story of a farmer who stays inside when it's raining and puts in extra hours when the sun is shining.

          But the RBC theorists never seem to go there; it's right into calibration and statistical moments, with never a break for intuition. And because they never do the simple version, they don't realize (or at any rate don't admit to themselves) how fundamentally silly the whole thing sounds, how much it's at odds with lived experience.

          I once talked to a theorist (not RBC, micro) who said that his criterion for serious economics was stuff that you can't explain to your mother. I would say that if you can't explain it to your mother, or at least to your non-economist friends, there's a good chance that you yourself don't really know what you're doing.

          Math is good. Sometimes jargon is good, too. But plain language and simple intuition are important to keep you grounded.

          * http://crookedtimber.org/2014/02/16/look-who-nick-kristofs-saving-now/

          ** http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/16/opinion/sunday/kristof-professors-we-need-you.html

          mulp said in reply to anne...
          Freshwater economists, free lunch economists, speak very clearly.

          Its too good to be true which makes everyone who wants a free lunch to believe it.

          For example, free lunch economists say lower prices are achieved by lower wages, fewer workers, tax cuts, and higher profits, which creates wealth, and the unemployed and working poor spend more using money the will never pay back because of the wealth effect, with mathiness to backup their claims.

          What they never do is put them all together like I have done so the words are revealed as nonsense and the math is 1+2-3 = 10 and thus obviously bogus.

          Note fresh water economists NEVER state that consumer spending is driven by wage income, as in real wage income, not the income from capital gains which sorta lots like wages but is really rent seeking aka private tax on the savings of workers.

          How can lower wages to get lower prices ever result in higher GDP without lots of debt that can never be repaid?

          Lafayette said in reply to anne...
          TO APE ONE ANOTHER

          {PK: with the many academics who never even try to put their thoughts in plain language.}

          Ha! I like that!

          Tis True. How many times do we see the word "exogenous". Many. How often, "endogenous"? Never.

          Anybody for a hard look at the "endogenous" factors causing economic cyclicity? How about the human ability to "ape" one another's consumer habits that builds patterns increasing in intensity - until the "bubble" bursts? ("Cyclicity"? Wow! Nice word? Hardly used! Here we go again!!!;^)

          Like lemmings falling off a cliff - cyclic in nature but deadly in consequence.

          DeDude said...
          When your math is incompatible with the observations from the real world - its the math that's wrong. I don't have a 3 page formula, but just trust me on this one.
          GeorgeK said...
          You will find the answers to all your questions in this book
          http://www.amazon.com/Wiser-Getting-Beyond-Groupthink-Smarter/dp/1422122999/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1438554831&sr=1-1&keywords=Group+think+getting+beyond

          bakho said...

          Science advances one funeral at a time. - Max Planck

          They are too invested in their mistakes to accept criticism.
          The next generation of economists will accept that they were wrong.

          likbez said...
          Before becoming columnist Krugman was mathiness practioner ;-)

          reason said...

          Anne
          "That is, the level of national output necessarily maximizes expected utility"

          We could stop right there. Clear nonsense. (You can always INCREASE utility by redistributing from rich to poor - at least with any sensible definition of utility.

          See this discussion
          http://crookedtimber.org/2015/07/24/utilitarianism-with-the-potentially-left-wing-bits-stripped-out/comment-page-2/

          Egmont Kakarot-Handtke said...

          Here it comes: the sexit
          Comment on 'Freshwater's Wrong Turn'

          There is political economics and theoretical economics. In political economics it suffices to tell a plausible story, in theoretical economics scientific standards are observed. Because economists since Adam Smith pursued these two hares simultaneously, coherence got eventually lost. As a result, economists never developed a theory about how the market economy works that satisfies the scientific criteria of material and formal consistency (Klant, 1994, p. 31).

          Economics is a failed science. Therefore, Paul Romer is in for a second big surprise. Until now he thought: "As you would expect from an economist, the normative assertion in 'X is wrong because it undermines the scientific method' is based on what I thought would be a shared premise ..."

          Now he learns: "In conversations with economists who are sympathetic to the freshwater economists ... it has become clear that freshwater economists do not share this premise. What I did not anticipate was their assertion that economists do not follow the scientific method, so it is not realistic or relevant to make normative statements of the form 'we ought to behave like scientists'."

          What is the difference between political and theoretical economics?

          "A genuine inquirer aims to find out the truth of some question, whatever the color of that truth. ... A pseudo-inquirer seeks to make a case for the truth of some proposition(s) determined in advance. There are two kinds of pseudo-inquirer, the sham and the fake. A sham reasoner is concerned, not to find out how things really are, but to make a case for some immovably-held preconceived conviction. A fake reasoner is concerned, not to find out how things really are, but to advance himself by making a case for some proposition to the truth-value of which he is indifferent." (Haack, 1997, p. 1)

          The fact of the matter is that theoretical economics has from the very beginning been hijacked by the agenda pushers of political economics. Smith and Mill were agenda pushers against feudalism. Marx and Keynes were agenda pushers and so were Hayek and Friedman. However, all these economists insisted that they were doing science. This has changed now: "... the evidence ... suggests that freshwater economists differ sharply from other economists."

          The freshwater economists simply state the obvious, that is, that they are committed to politics and not to science. This marks the beginning of a voluntary scientific exit (sexit for short). What Romer has not yet realized is that most saltwater economists have to leave through the same door.

          Egmont Kakarot-Handtke

          References
          Haack, S. (1997). Science, Scientism, and Anti-Science in the Age of Preposterism. Skeptical Inquirer, 21(6): 1–7. URL http://www.csicop.org/si/show/science_scientism_and_anti-science_in_the_age_of_preposterism.
          Klant, J. J. (1994). The Nature of Economic Thought. Aldershot, Brookfield, VT: Edward Elgar.

          lagarita said...

          This reminds me of the "we create reality" stuff from the neo-cons. Maybe it's just more infection of Straussian "ethics" at UofC (see Shadia Drury).

          Lafayette said in reply to lagarita...

          APART FROM BERNIE

          {"we create reality"}

          Their entire existence revolves around such vapid, empty simplisms because they have no theoretical substance to their politics. It is either their lack of intelligence or their selfish perfidy that reduces their theoretical foundation of political views.

          They are hooked on the fallacy of wealth-creation as the sole credible goal/consequence of an economy. Piketty put that thought to shame in his work on Income Disparity, as did Domhoff on Wealth Disparity. The statistical facts (ie., the "numbers") could not be more clear.

          What should bother us most is not only the generation of enormous wealth, and the influence it has on a moneyed electoral system, but the dynastic tendency of such riches. The Koch Bros are already the first generation - will we be contending with the political antics of second, or third, or fourth generations?

          The last time historically that happened in Europe, called Inheritance Aristocracy, it all came apart in bloodshed.

          And yet the better notion of Social Justice, which supposes that all humans are created with the equal right to fairness and equitability, has taken decades upon decades to come to the fore.

          It is still no where near dominating political thought in America. Apart from Bernie, that is ...

          Lafayette said...
          LOOK IN THE MIRROR

          {the braggadocio and trash-talking of the 1970s}

          Of the 1970s?

          This type is still the mainstay of American parlance, whether political or business or just blogging. The aggressiveness of the language employed knows no bounds.

          The intent in commentary, whether verbal or written, whether political or otherwise, is overly combative and largely "ad hominem". The real subject of controversy is lost in the personalization of the rebuttals. The issues that largely determine the political consensus thus become secondary and confused.

          Really 'n truly puerile ... like the children they were and they remain, particularly in politics. Propelled by one and only one goal - to win, win, win.

          And without politics or politicians, what is a democracy? It's an autocracy. With them, its a manifested willfulness by a moneyed few to dominate electoral outcomes - and we are pawns in the game.

          My point? As an electorate, the people we chose to represent us personify as well the kind of people we are. So, complaining about the politicos in LaLaLand on the Potomac is useless.

          Seeking someone to blame? Look in the mirror ...

          [Jul 30, 2015] How A Pork Bellies Trader And Milton Friedman Created The Greatest Trading Casino In World History

          "...In stumbling to this outcome, Nixon's advisors were strikingly oblivious to the monetary disorder they were unleashing. The passivity of the "religious floaters" club in the White House was owing to their reflexive adherence to the profoundly erroneous monetarist doctrines of Milton Friedman."
          .
          "...The four decades since Camp David also show that the Friedmanite régime of floating money is dynamically unstable. Each business cycle recovery since 1971 has amplified the ratio of credit to income in the system, causing the daisy chains of debt upon debt to become ever more distended and fragile."
          .
          "..."It is ludicrous to think that foreign exchange can be entrusted to a bunch of pork belly crapshooters,""
          .
          "..."When currency exchange rates were firmly fixed and some or all of the main ones were redeemable in a defined weight of gold", With, then as now, less than an ounce of gold per person on Earth, a third grader had arithmetic skills enough to know this was a ridiculous claim."
          economistsview.typepad.com
          Jul 21, 2015 | Zero Hedge

          "I held in my hand the Holy Grail for the Chicago Mercantile Exchange. The most influential economic mind of the twentieth century provided the CME with the intellectual foundation upon which to build its financial superstructure."

          Nixon's estimable free market advisors who gathered at the Camp David weekend were to an astonishing degree clueless as to the consequences of their recommendation to close the gold window and float the dollar. In their wildest imaginations they did not foresee that this would unhinge the monetary and financial nervous system of capitalism. They had no premonition at all that it would pave the way for a forty-year storm of financialization and a debt-besotted symbiosis between central bankers possessed by delusions of grandeur and private gamblers intoxicated with visions of delirious wealth.

          In fact, when Nixon announced on August 15, 1971, that the dollar was no longer convertible to gold at $35 per ounce, his advisors had barely a scratch pad's worth of ideas as to what should come next.

          Its first attempted solution was a Burns-Connally hybrid known as the Smithsonian Agreement of December 1971. The United States needed precisely a $13 billion favorable swing in its balance of trade. This was not to be achieved the honest way-by domestic belt tightening and thereby a reduction of swollen US imports that were being funded by borrowing from foreigners. Instead, America's trading partners were to revalue their currencies upward by about 15 percent against the dollar.

          Connally's blatant mercantilist offensive was cut short in late November 1971, however, when the initially jubilant stock market started heading rapidly south on fears that a global trade war was in the offing.

          As it turned out, a few weeks later Connally's protectionist gauntlet ended in an amicable paint-by-the-numbers exercise in diplomatic pettifoggery. The United States agreed to drop the 10 percent import surtax and raise the price of gold by 9 percent to $38 per ounce.

          Quite simply, the United States had made no commitment whatsoever to redeem paper dollars for gold at the new $38 price or to defend the gold parity in any other manner. At bottom, the Smithsonian Agreement attempted the futile task of perpetuating the Bretton Woods gold exchange standard without any role for gold.

          During the next eight months, further international negotiations attempted to rescue the Smithsonian Agreement with more baling wire and bubble gum. But the die was already cast and the monetary oxymoron which had prevailed in the interim, a gold standard system without monetary gold, was officially dropped in favor of pure floating currencies in March 1973.

          Now, for the first time in modern history, all of the world's major nations would operate their economies on the basis of what old-fashioned economists called "fiduciary money." In practical terms, it amounted to a promise that currencies would retain as much, or as little, purchasing power as central bankers determined to be expedient.

          In stumbling to this outcome, Nixon's advisors were strikingly oblivious to the monetary disorder they were unleashing. The passivity of the "religious floaters" club in the White House was owing to their reflexive adherence to the profoundly erroneous monetarist doctrines of Milton Friedman.

          A Friedmanite Fed would keep the money growth dial set strictly at 3 percent, year in and year out, ever steady as she goes.

          Friedman's pre-1971 writings nowhere give an account of the massive hedging industry that would flourish under a régime of floating paper money. This omission occurred for good reason: Friedman didn't think there would be much volatility to hedge if his Chicago-trained central bankers stuck to the monetarist rulebook.

          Most certainly, Friedman did not see that an unshackled central bank would eventually transform his beloved free markets into gambling halls and venues of uneconomic speculative finance.

          It thus happened that Leo Melamed, a small-time pork-belly (i.e., bacon) trader who kept his modest office near the Chicago Mercantile Exchange trading floor stocked with generous supplies of Tums and Camels, found his opening and hired Professor Friedman.

          THE PORK-BELLY PITS: WHERE THE AGE OF SPECULATIVE FINANCE STARTED

          Leo Melamed was the genius founder of the financial futures market and presided over its explosive growth on the Chicago "Merc" during the last three decades of the twentieth century.

          At the time of the Camp David weekend that changed the world, the Chicago Merc was still a backwater outpost of the farm commodity futures business.

          The next chapters in the tale of Melamed and the Merc are downright astonishing. In 1970, Melamed made an intensive inquiry into currency and other financial markets about which he knew very little, in a desperate search for something to replace the Merc's rapidly dwindling eggs contract. The latter was the core of its legacy business and was then perhaps $50 million per year in annual turnover.

          Four decades later, Leo Melamed's study program had mushroomed into a vast menu of futures and options contracts-covering currencies, commodities, fixed-income, and equities, which trade twenty-four hours per day on immense computerized platforms. The entire annual volume of the old eggs contract is now exceeded in literally the blink of an eye.

          The reason futures contracts on D-marks and T-bills took off like rocket ships is that the fundamental nature of money and finance was turned upside down at Camp David. In effect, Professor Friedman's floating money contraption created a massive market for hedging that did not have any reason for existence in the gold standard world of Bretton Woods, and most especially under its more robust pre-1914 antecedents.

          When currency exchange rates were firmly fixed and some or all of the main ones were redeemable in a defined weight of gold, exporters and importers had no need to hedge future purchases or deliveries denominated in foreign currencies. The spot and forward exchange rates, save for technical differentials, were always the same.

          Even more importantly, the newly emergent need of corporations and investors to hedge against currency and interest rate risk caused other fateful developments in financial markets; namely, the accumulation of capital and trading resources by firms which became specialized in the intermediation of financial hedges. Purely an artifact of an unstable monetary régime, this new industry resulted in prodigious and wasteful consumption of capital, technology, and labor resources.

          The four decades since Camp David also show that the Friedmanite régime of floating money is dynamically unstable. Each business cycle recovery since 1971 has amplified the ratio of credit to income in the system, causing the daisy chains of debt upon debt to become ever more distended and fragile.

          Currently, the daily volume of foreign exchange hedging activity in global futures and options markets, for example, is estimated at $4 trillion, compared to daily merchandise trade of only $40 billion. This 100:1 ratio of hedging volume to the underlying activity rate does not exist because the currency managers at exporters like Toyota re-trade their hedges over and over all day; that is, every fourteen minutes.

          Due to the dead-weight losses to society from this massive churning, the hedging casinos are a profound deformation of capitalism, not its crowning innovation. They consume vast resources without adding to society's output or wealth, and flush income and net worth to the very top rungs of the economic ladder-rarefied redoubts of opulence which are currently occupied by the most aggressive and adept speculators. The talented Leo Melamed thus did not spend forty years doing God's work, as he believed. He was just an adroit gambler in the devil's financial workshop-the great hedging venues-necessitated by Professor Friedman's contraption of floating, untethered money.

          THE LUNCH AT THE WALDORF-ASTORIA THAT OPENED THE FUTURES

          According to Melamed's later telling, by 1970 he had "become a committed and ardent disciple in the army that was forming around Milton Friedman's ideas. He had become our hero, our teacher, our mentor."

          Thus inspired, Melamed sought to establish a short position against the pound, but after visiting all of the great Loop banks in Chicago he soon discovered they weren't much interested in pure speculators: "if you didn't have any commercial reasons, the banks weren't likely to be very helpful."

          The banking system was not in the business of financing currency speculators, and for good reason. In a fixed exchange rate régime the currency departments of the great international banks were purely service operations which deployed no capital and conducted their operations out of hushed dealing rooms, not noisy cavernous trading floors. The foreign currency business was no different than trusts and estates. Even Melamed had wondered at the time whether "foreign currency instruments could succeed" within the strictures designed for soybeans and eggs, and pretended to answer his own question: "Perhaps there was some fundamental economic reason why no one had before successfully applied financial instruments to futures."

          In point of fact, yes, there was a huge reason and it suggests that while Melamed might have audited Milton Friedman's course, he had evidently not actually passed it. There were no currency futures contracts because there was no opportunity for speculative profit in forward exchange transactions as long as the fixed-rate monetary régime remained reasonably stable.

          Indeed, this reality was evident in a rebuke from an unnamed New York banker which Melamed recalled having received in response to his entreaties shortly before the Smithsonian Agreement was announced. "It is ludicrous to think that foreign exchange can be entrusted to a bunch of pork belly crapshooters," the banker had allegedly sniffed.

          Whether apocryphal or not, this anecdote captures the essence of what happened at Camp David in August 1971. There a motley crew of economic nationalists, Friedman acolytes, and political cynics supinely embraced Richard Nixon's monetary madness. In so doing, they opened the financial system to a forty-year swarm of "crapshooters" who eventually engulfed capitalism itself in endless waves of speculation and fevered gambling, activities which redistributed the income upward but did not expand the economic pie.

          As it happened, Melamed did not waste any time getting an audience with the wizard behind the White House screen. At a luncheon meeting with Professor Friedman at the New York Waldorf-Astoria on November 13, 1971, which Melamed later described as his "moment of truth," he laid out his case.

          After asking Friedman "not to laugh," Melamed described his scheme: "I held my breath as I put forth the idea of a futures market in foreign currency. The great man did not hesitate."

          "It's a wonderful idea," Friedman told him. "You must do it!"

          Melamed then suggested that his colleagues in the pork-belly pits might be more reassured about the venture if Friedman would put his endorsement in writing. At that, Friedman famously replied, "You know I am a capitalist?"

          He was apparently a pretty timid capitalist, however. In consideration of the aforementioned $7,500, Melamed got an eleven-page paper that launched the greatest trading casino in world history. It made Melamed extremely wealthy and also millionaires out of countless other recycled eggs and bacon traders that Friedman never even met.

          Modestly entitled "The Need for a Futures Market in Currencies," the paper today reads like so much free market eyewash. But back then it played a decisive role in conveying Friedman's imprimatur.

          In describing the paper's impact, Melamed did not spare the superlatives: "I held in my hand the Holy Grail for the Chicago Mercantile Exchange. The most influential economic mind of the twentieth century provided the CME with the intellectual foundation upon which to build its financial superstructure."

          *****

          Source: The Great Deformation by David Stockman

          falak pema

          Hahaha, for the FIRST time I see a post here on ZH where the "profoundly erroneous monetarist doctrine" of Milton Friedman gets blamed for what follows : the greatest monetary sin of the West (after the gold exchange standard according to Jacques Rueff).

          The Friedmanite floating rate regime is what started the instability in the world monetary casino and yes the futures market did the rest.

          Yipeeee, we have it right there. The monetary SIN laid out here at ZH and it had NOTHING to do with Keynesian plays. The Casino was a PURE product of the CHICAGO school so dear to Hayek. Who approved the supply side "liberalisation" of Reaganomics that followed.

          ZH has vindicated that very important piece of the puzzle in the global financial time line of our present age.

          Now Keynes's ghost can rest in piece. Monetarism will have to carry its own Cross on its Golgothan march.


          The Delicate Genius

          I think there may be a middle you're excluding...

          falak pema

          May be a middle called Nixonian petrodollar anchoring. But that did not change the Casino mantra. It just anchored "our money your problem" to Saud's Oil guzzler.

          All that did was to suck the Oil into the fiat bonanza world.

          Something the Sauds don't appreciate anymore as the Fiat pile is making Pax Americana fragile and it cannot zero hedge its support of Sunni Saudi hubris. It has to HEDGE with IRAN...now having showed its resilience after 40 years of confronting the USA.

          C'mon Genius don't just mumble in your libertarian beard, put up or shut up.

          hxc

          Not all monetarists are chicagoan. They became book cookers for Keynesian discretionary policy... Hence NK's, New Classicals, "market monetarists," et cetera. Friedman's been reduced to the guy in the back room, wearing a green visor and rigging up Keynes' insane monetary system.

          Check it out

          The Perversion of Monetarism

          MASTER OF UNIVERSE

          Agreed, but only because you know more than I do when it comes to Economics, and because I always thought that cocksucker Freidman, and the Chicago School, were crooked snakes-in-the-grass all along. And frankly, Z/H does kind of beat on Keynes a bit too much sometimes, but the SOB is dead, so who cares anyhow. Historiography has a nothing to do with reality in this day and age, methinks.

          falak pema

          1946 Keynes dies. 1965 De Gaulle starts talking about "exorbitant privilege" and US hubris.

          At the end of the 60s the London Gold club that tries to bridge French concerns about US spending profiglacy (Vietnam war, great society) and US balance of trade deterioration, collapses. Harold Wilson caves in to "gnomes of Zurich" and London loses pivotal role with a devalued £.

          By 1969 the French have put the fear of God up Nixon when a french gunboat arrives reclaiming French gold deposited in NY. SO...1971 and Nixon makes the plunge.

          You can say what you like about Keynes. He had nothing to do with Nixon/Johnson's spending spree which made gold revoke inevitable. It was not his philosophy which was à la mode in 1969 but the Chicago school.

          MASTER OF UNIVERSE

          From what I have read about Keynes he was appropriately characterized as 'brilliant'. Of course, no amount of Keynesian Stimulus could have shut down the Bear Stearns bear raid, or the Lehman Bros. Chapter 11. Ergo, the downfall of Freidman's orthodoxy was bound to occur as soon as Glass-Steagall deregulation provided the leverage via the FCC. Since the exemption on leverage for Bear Stearns it took five years to melt down to a systemic Worldwide intractable problem. Keynes was right about CB intervention, but he had no way of knowing that certain fundamentals would be altered beyond logic of failsafe.

          p.s. thanks for going into detail on history. I always appreciate historical background given my background in Experimental Psychology/Personality/Biography/Historiography and Sociology.

          withglee

          Nixon's estimable free market advisors who gathered at the Camp David weekend were to an astonishing degree clueless as to the consequences of their recommendation to close the gold window and float the dollar.

          Oh really? What would you have done ... with the street price of gold at over $70, the official price at $35, and the French choosing to be compensated in gold rather than dollars, as they were supposedly the same thing.

          What would you have done?

          knukles

          Another reason the Chitown Loop banks were not supportive of Melamed's currency futures ideas was that the Harris primarily was at the time "the" Bulge Bracket Big Swinging US Based Dick of the cash and forward 4X markets as well as one of the largest financers of the futures businesses on the CME and CBoT. They saw Leo not as a product extension, but a threat to their dominance.

          withglee

          When currency exchange rates were firmly fixed and some or all of the main ones were redeemable in a defined weight of gold,

          With, then as now, less than an ounce of gold per person on Earth, a third grader had arithmetic skills enough to know this was a ridiculous claim.

          armageddon addahere

          Everybody acts like Nixon closing the gold window was the beginning of something. It wasn't. It was the end. At that point the US had been spending money like water overseas for everything from the Marshall Plan, Volkswagens and Japanese transistor radios to the Korean and Vietnam wars. There was a net inflow of gold during the depression and WW2, but after that there was a steady outflow all through the fifties and sixties.

          The whole world wanted American dollars, and a lot of it got turned in for American gold. The gold was nearly gone. At the rate it was going, the last ounce would leave Fort Knox in less than two years. They had no choice but to end the convertability of gold - sooner or later. Nixon's only choice was to take action and make a smooth transition or let everything go to hell at once.

          most-interesting-frog-world

          Bear

          "The Great Deformation by David Stockman" ... This is the most remarkable treatise on economic history ever written. If you haven't read it you are still in the dark.You will continue to see many excerpts from this book on ZH ... and well deserved.

          David Stockman should be given a Nobel Prize for Economics ... for exposing Economics as the insanity it is and fully captive to politics.

          [Jul 29, 2015] Using Math to Obfuscate - Observations from Finance

          "...Unfortunately, I was wrong even about the equilibrium in the academic world, where mathiness is in fact used to obfuscate. In the world of for-profit finance, the return to obfuscation in communication with regulators is much higher, so there is every reason to expect that mathiness would be used liberally, particularly in mandated disclosures. ..."
          More from Paul Romer on "mathiness" -- this time the use of math in finance to obfuscate communication with regulators:
          Using Math to Obfuscate - Observations from Finance: The usual narrative suggests that the new mathematical tools of modern finance were like the wings that Daedalus gave Icarus. The people who put these tools to work soared too high and crashed.

          In two posts, here and here, Tim Johnson notes that two government investigations (one in the UK, the other in the US) tell a different tale. People in finance used math to hide what they were doing.

          One of the premises I used to take for granted was that an argument presented using math would be more precise than the corresponding argument presented using words. Under this model, words from natural language are more flexible than math. They let us refer to concepts we do not yet fully understand. They are like rough prototypes. Then as our understanding grows, we use math to give words more precise definitions and meanings. ...

          I assumed that because I was trying to use math to reason more precisely and to communicate more clearly, everyone would use it the same way. I knew that math, like words, could be used to confuse a reader, but I assumed that all of us who used math operated in a reputational equilibrium where obfuscating would be costly. I expected that in this equilibrium, we would see only the use of math to clarify and lend precision.

          Unfortunately, I was wrong even about the equilibrium in the academic world, where mathiness is in fact used to obfuscate. In the world of for-profit finance, the return to obfuscation in communication with regulators is much higher, so there is every reason to expect that mathiness would be used liberally, particularly in mandated disclosures. ...

          We should expect that there will be mistakes in math, just as there are mistakes in computer code. We should also expect some inaccuracies in the verbal claims about what the math says. A small number of errors of either type should not be a cause for alarm, particularly if the math is presented transparently so that readers can check the math itself and check whether it aligns with the words. In contrast, either opaque math or ambiguous verbal statements about the math should be grounds for suspicion. ...

          Mathiness–exposition characterized by a systematic divergence between what the words say and what the math implies–should be rejected outright.

          Posted by on Wednesday, July 29, 2015 at 10:52 AM in Economics, Financial System, Methodology | Permalink Comments (2)

          pgl

          Is that what financial engineering is all about? The logic of financial economists is not really that hard. And old school financial economics was supposed to help businesses and the average saver. But Wall Street wanted to make big bucks off of everyone else so they hired financial engineers to make the simple hard and taking the average Joe's income their forte. This is one reason their share of income went from 2% of GDP to 8% of GDP. Well school sharks are expensive!

          djb

          Using John Cochrane, I MEAN, Math to obfuscate

          [Jul 14, 2015] Francis in America: a radical pope journeys to the heart of the [neoliberal] machine

          Notable quotes:
          "... Note the adjective " unfettered ". Anything that is not sanctioned by the rule of law is not good for anyone. The challenge today is extractive capitalism. Some of this can be addressed by tax policy. Bankruptcy law needs to be changed to hold liable those executives who take out excessive amounts of funds from an enterprize. Personal property needs need better protection. Existing environmental laws need to be enforced. ..."
          "... My understanding is that Pope Francis (I am not Catholic) has spoken about the inherent unfairness of "unrestricted" capitalism. He has not denounced capitalism. His words are painstaking, accurately stated & precise. ..."
          "... I like his moves, promoting climate change, making a point in visiting the poorest countries on Earth, and naming Capitalists as members of a greedy system, not capable of taking on the role of providing goods and services to the Needy, and of course, the Pontiff heaps religious obscenities upon the War Mongers, mainly in the West. I am going to give my Bible another chance, here's hoping . ..."
          "... He seems to be pointing out a few realities. Which, as others have pointed out is causing much wriggling by those who have complete faith by the dollar in the sky. ..."
          "... "The US government gives the Vatican nothing...". Not quite. The US Government gives the Church tax-exemption. ..."
          "... Of course all the corporate politicians both Republican and Democrat are going to oppose the Pope. Forget the politicians and let's see how the American people react. I expect the Pope will be warmly received as a man of empathy and humanity who shows concern for the poor. I hope that when he addresses congress he does not pull any of his punches. ..."
          Jul 14, 2015 | The Guardian

          LivinVirginia -> Ken Barnes 13 Jul 2015 20:27

          I do not mean to misquote him. Pope Francis is a good man, but before he lectures the US on capitalism, he needs to remember that the Vatican bank has been embroiled in their own banking scandals. I was raised Catholic. I do not have a good impression of the men who run the church. They spend a lot of time asking for money, and I always wonder if they are spending it hiring lawyers for pedophile priests. I like the Pope though. He seems better that the rest of the lot. I think the tax exemptions for religions should be stopped. Religions spend too much time discriminating against certain segments of society. I think they are wolves in sheep's clothing.

          RoachAmerican 13 Jul 2015 20:19

          Note the adjective " unfettered ". Anything that is not sanctioned by the rule of law is not good for anyone. The challenge today is extractive capitalism. Some of this can be addressed by tax policy. Bankruptcy law needs to be changed to hold liable those executives who take out excessive amounts of funds from an enterprize. Personal property needs need better protection. Existing environmental laws need to be enforced.

          William Brown 13 Jul 2015 20:05

          I imagine The Pope will say something about an 'eye of a needle'

          brianboru1014 13 Jul 2015 19:52

          Wall Street via the New York Times and the WS Journal is well on the way to denigrating this man. Even though most Americans support him, these publications will do everything to belittle him.

          CaptainWillard -> CaptainWillard 13 Jul 2015 19:36

          The US government gives "only" tax exempt status. On the other-hand, citizens of the US very likely raise more money for the Catholic Church than the citizens of any other country.

          Ken Barnes -> LivinVirginia 13 Jul 2015 19:30

          My understanding is that Pope Francis (I am not Catholic) has spoken about the inherent unfairness of "unrestricted" capitalism. He has not denounced capitalism. His words are painstaking, accurately stated & precise. It helps no one in a discussion to change what another has said & then attempt to debate the misquote.

          Greenshoots -> goatrider 13 Jul 2015 19:29

          And a shedload of other "purposes" as well:

          The exempt purposes set forth in section 501(c)(3) are charitable, religious, educational, scientific, literary, testing for public safety, fostering national or international amateur sports competition, and preventing cruelty to children or animals. The term charitable is used in its generally accepted legal sense and includes relief of the poor, the distressed, or the underprivileged; advancement of religion; advancement of education or science; erecting or maintaining public buildings, monuments, or works; lessening the burdens of government; lessening neighborhood tensions; eliminating prejudice and discrimination; defending human and civil rights secured by law; and combating community deterioration and juvenile delinquency.

          Richard Martin 13 Jul 2015 19:20

          Francis really follows in the footsteps of the First Fisherman, radicalised in God's format .

          I like his moves, promoting climate change, making a point in visiting the poorest countries on Earth, and naming Capitalists as members of a greedy system, not capable of taking on the role of providing goods and services to the Needy, and of course, the Pontiff heaps religious obscenities upon the War Mongers, mainly in the West. I am going to give my Bible another chance, here's hoping .

          John Fahy 13 Jul 2015 19:16

          He seems to be pointing out a few realities. Which, as others have pointed out is causing much wriggling by those who have complete faith by the dollar in the sky.

          goatrider -> LivinVirginia 13 Jul 2015 19:01

          As it does every other religion----

          TerryMcGee -> Magali Luna 13 Jul 2015 19:00

          Up until this pope, I would have agreed with you. But this pope is different. In one step, he has taken the papacy from being a major part of the problem to a major force for good. We can't expect him to fix all the problems in the church and its doctrines - that's not the work of one generation. But if he can play a major part in fixing the two massive world problems he has focussed on - climate change and rampant capitalism - he will have done enough for one lifetime.

          And I get the impression that he's only warming up....

          LivinVirginia -> goatrider 13 Jul 2015 18:34

          "The US government gives the Vatican nothing...". Not quite. The US Government gives the Church tax-exemption.

          David Dougherty 13 Jul 2015 18:13

          Of course all the corporate politicians both Republican and Democrat are going to oppose the Pope. Forget the politicians and let's see how the American people react. I expect the Pope will be warmly received as a man of empathy and humanity who shows concern for the poor. I hope that when he addresses congress he does not pull any of his punches.

          Cooper2345 13 Jul 2015 17:59

          I like the gift that Morales gave to the Pope, the crucifix over the hammer and sickle. It shows the victory of Christianity over Soviet communism that one of Francis' predecessors helped to shepherd. It's a great reminder of a wonderful triumph and reason to be thankful for the genius of St. John Paul II.

          [Jun 23, 2015] Bill Black: A Harvard Don is Enraged that Pope Francis is Opposed to the World Economic Order

          Notable quotes:
          "... By Bill Black, the author of The Best Way to Rob a Bank is to Own One and an associate professor of economics and law at the University of Missouri-Kansas City. Jointly published with http://neweconomicperspectives.org " rel="nofollow">New Economic Perspectives ..."
          "... New York Times ..."
          "... New York Times ..."
          "... laissez faire. ..."
          "... The Gospel According to St. Lloyd Blankfein ..."
          Jun 23, 2015 | www.nakedcapitalism.com
          Posted on June 23, 2015 by Yves Smith

          By Bill Black, the author of The Best Way to Rob a Bank is to Own One and an associate professor of economics and law at the University of Missouri-Kansas City. Jointly published with http://neweconomicperspectives.org" rel="nofollow">New Economic Perspectives

          A New York Times article entitled "Championing Environment, Francis Takes Aim at Global Capitalism" quotes a conventional Harvard economist, Robert N. Stavins. Stavins is enraged by Pope Francis' position on the environment because the Pope is "opposed to the world economic order." The rage, unintentionally, reveals why conventional economics is the most dangerous ideology pretending to be a "science."

          Stavins' attacks on the Pope quickly became personal and dismissive. This is odd, for Pope Francis' positions on the environment are the same as Stavins' most important positions. Stavins' natural response to the Pope's views on the environment – had Stavin not been an economist – would have been along the lines of "Pope Francis is right, and we urgently need to make his vision a reality."

          Stavins' fundamental position is that there is an urgent need for a "radical restructuring" of the markets to prevent them from causing a global catastrophe. That is Pope Francis' fundamental position. But Stavins ends up mocking and trying to discredit the Pope.

          I was struck by the similarity of Stavins response to Pope Francis to the rich man's response to Jesus. The episode is reported in Matthew, Mark, and Luke in similar terms. I'll use Matthew's version (KJAV), which begins at 19:16 with the verse:

          And, behold, one came and said unto him, Good Master, what good thing shall I do, that I may have eternal life?

          Jesus responds:

          And he said unto him, Why callest thou me good? there is none good but one, that is, God: but if thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandments.

          The young rich man wants to know which commandments he needs to follow to gain eternal life.

          He saith unto him, Which? Jesus said, Thou shalt do no murder, Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not steal, Thou shalt not bear false witness,

          Honour thy father and thy mother: and, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.

          The young man saith unto him, All these things have I kept from my youth up: what lack I yet?

          The young, wealthy man is enthused. The Rabbi that he believes has the secret of eternal life has agreed to personally answer his question as to how to obtain it. He passes the requirements the Rabbi lists, indeed, he has met those requirements since he was a child.

          But then Jesus lowers the boom in response to the young man's question on what he "lacks."

          Jesus said unto him, If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven: and come and follow me.

          We need to "review the bidding" at this juncture. The young man is wealthy. He believes that Jesus knows the secret to obtaining eternal life. His quest was to discover – and comply – with the requirement to achieve eternal life. The Rabbi has told him the secret – and then gone well beyond the young man's greatest hopes by offering to make him a disciple. The door to eternal life is within the young man's power to open. All he needs to do is give all that he owns to the poor. The Rabbi goes further and offers to make the young man his disciple. In exchange, the young man will secure "treasure in heaven" – eternal life and a place of particular honor for his sacrifice and his faith in Jesus.

          Jesus' answer – the answer the young man thought he wished to receive more than anything in the world – the secret of eternal life, causes the young man great distress.

          But when the young man heard that saying, he went away sorrowful: for he had great possessions.

          The young man rejects eternal life because he cannot bear the thought of giving his "great possessions" to "the poor." Notice that the young man is not evil. He keeps the commandments. He is eager to do a "good thing" to gain eternal life. He has "great possessions" and is eager to trade a generous portion of his wealth as a good deed to achieve eternal life. In essence, he is seeking to purchase an indulgence from Jesus.

          But Jesus' response causes the young, wealthy man to realize that he must make a choice. He must decide which he loves more – eternal life or his great possessions. He is "sorrowful" for Jesus' response causes him to realize that he loves having his great possessions for his remaining span of life on earth more than eternal life itself.

          Jesus offers him not only the means to open the door to eternal life but the honor of joining him as a disciple. The young man is forced by Jesus' offer to realize that his wealth has so fundamentally changed him that he will voluntarily give up his entry into eternal life. He is not simply "sorrowful" that he will not enter heaven – he is "sorrowful" to realize that heaven is open to him – but he will refuse to enter it because of his greed. His wealth has become a golden trap of his own creation that will damn him. The golden bars of his cell are invisible and he can remove them at any time and enter heaven, but the young man realizes that his greed for his "great possessions" has become so powerful that his self-created jail cell has become inescapable. It is only when Jesus opens the door to heaven that the young man realizes for the first time in his life how completely his great possessions have corrupted and doomed him. He knows he is committing the suicide of his soul – and that he is powerless to change because he has been taught to value his own worth as a person by the extent of his great possessions.

          Jesus then makes his famous saying that captures the corrupting effects of great wealth.

          Then said Jesus unto his disciples, Verily I say unto you, That a rich man shall hardly enter into the kingdom of heaven.

          And again I say unto you, It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God.

          The remainder of the passage is of great importance to Luther's doctrine of "justification by faith alone" and leads to Jesus' famous discussion of why "the last shall be first," (in which his anti-market views are made even more explicit) but the portions I have quoted are adequate to my purpose.

          Pope Francis' positions on the environment and climate are the greatest boon that Stavin has received in decades. The Pope, like Stavins, tells us that climate change is a disaster that requires urgent governmental action to fix. Stavins could receive no more joyous news. Instead of being joyous, however, Stavins is sorrowful. Indeed, unlike the wealthy man who simply leaves after hearing the Rabbi's views, Stavins rages at and heaps scorn on the prelate, Pope Francis. Stavins' email to the New York Times about the Pope's position on climate change contains this double ideological smear.

          The approach by the pope, an Argentine who is the first pontiff from the developing world, is similar to that of a "small set of socialist Latin American countries that are opposed to the world economic order, fearful of free markets, and have been utterly dismissive and uncooperative in the international climate negotiations," Dr. Stavins said.

          Stavins' work explicitly states that the "free markets" he worships are causing "mass extinction" and a range of other disasters. Stavins' work explicitly states that the same "free markets" are incapable of change – they cause incentives so perverse that they are literally suicidal – and the markets are incapable of reform even when they are committing suicide by laissez faire. That French term is what Stavins uses to describe our current markets. Pope Francis agrees with each of these points.

          Pope Francis says, as did Jesus, that this means that we must not worship "free markets," that we must think first of the poor, and that justice and fairness should be our guides to proper conduct. Stavins, like the wealthy young man, is forced to make a choice. He chooses "great possessions." Unlike the wealthy young man, however, Stavins is enraged rather than "sorrowful" and Stavins lashes out at the religious leader. He is appalled that an Argentine was made Pope, for Pope Francis holds views "that are opposed to the world economic order [and] fearful of free markets." Well, yes. A very large portion of the world's people oppose "the Washington Consensus" and want a very different "world economic order." Most of the world's top religious leaders are strong critics of the "world economic order."

          As to being "fearful of free markets," Stavins' own work shows that his use of the word "free" in that phrase is not simply meaningless, but false. Stavins explains that the people, animals, and plants that are the imminent victims of "mass extinction" have no ability in the "markets" to protect themselves from mass murder. They are "free" only to become extinct, which makes a mockery of the word "free."

          Similarly, Stavins' work shows that any sentient species would be "fearful" of markets that Stavins proclaims are literally suicidal and incapable of self-reform. Stavins writes that only urgent government intervention that forces a "radical restructuring" of the markets can save our planet from "mass extinction." When I read that I believed that he was "fearful of free markets."

          We have all had the experience of seeing the "free markets" blow up the global economy as recently as 2008. We saw there, as well, that only massive government intervention could save the markets from a global meltdown. Broad aspects of the financial markets became dominated by our three epidemics of "accounting control fraud."

          Stavins is appalled that a religious leader could oppose a system based on the pursuit and glorification of "great possessions." He is appalled that a religious leader is living out the Church's mission to provide a "preferential option for the poor." Stavins hates the Church's mission because it is "socialist" – and therefore so obviously awful that it does not require refutation by Stavins. This cavalier dismissal of religious beliefs held by most humans is revealing coming from a field that proudly boasts the twin lies that it is a "positive" "science." Theoclassical economists embrace an ideology that is antithetical to nearly every major religion.

          Stavins, therefore, refuses to enter the door that Pope Francis has opened. Stavins worships a system based on the desire to accumulate "great possessions" – even though he knows that the markets pose an existential threat to most species on this planet and even though he knows that his dogmas increasingly aid the worst, most fraudulent members of our society to become wealthy through forms of "looting" (Akerlof and Romer 1993) that make other people poorer. The result is that Stavins denounces Pope Francis rather than embracing him as his most valuable ally.

          Conclusion: Greed and Markets Kill: Suicide by Laissez Faire

          The old truths remain. The worship of "great possessions" wreaks such damage on our humanity that we come to love them more than life itself and act in a suicidal fashion toward our species and as mass destroyers of other species. Jesus' insight was that this self-corruption is so common, so subtle, and so powerful that "It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God." Today, he would probably use "economist" rather than "camel."

          Theoclassical economists are the high priests of this celebration of greed that Stavins admits poses the greatest threat to life on our planet. When Pope Francis posed a choice to Stavins, he chose to maintain his dogmatic belief in a system that he admits is suicidal and incapable of self-reform. The reason that the mythical and mystical "free markets" that Stavins worships are suicidal and incapable of self-reform even when they are producing "mass extinction" is that the markets are a system based on greed and the desire to obtain "great possessions" even if the result is to damn us and life on our planet.

          Adam Smith propounded the paradox that greed could lead the butcher and baker (in a village where everyone could judge reputation and quality) to reliably produce goods of high quality at the lowest price. The butcher and baker, therefore, would act (regardless of their actual motivations) as if they cared about their customers. Smith observed that the customer of small village merchant's products would find the merchant's self-interest a more reliable assurance of high quality than the merchant's altruism.

          But Stavins makes clear in his writing that this is not how markets function in the context of "external" costs to the environment. In the modern context, the energy markets routinely function in a manner that Stavins rightly depicts as leading to mass murder. Stavins so loves the worship of the quest for "great possessions" that he is eager to try to discredit Pope Francis as a leader in the effort to prevent "mass extinction" (Stavins' term) – suicide by laissez faire.

          (No, I am not now and never was or will be a Catholic.)

          More From UsFrom Our Partners

          Clive June 23, 2015 at 6:04 am

          The Pope's recent comments stirred an old memory from when I was a child, for some reason. Growing up in England in the 1980's, it didn't escape even my childish notice that the series "Dr. Who" was often a vehicle for what would now been deemed outrageously left wing thinking and ideas.

          One such episode was The Pirate Planet. The plot's premise was that a race had created a mechanism for consuming entire planets at a time, extracting mineral wealth from the doomed planet being destroyed in the process and using energy and resources for the benefit of a tiny ruling elite with the remnants being offered as trinkets for the masses.

          A small subset of the evil race was subliminally aware of what was happening. One of the lines spoken by a character really stuck in my mind, when he said after the reality of their existence was explained to him "so people die to make us rich?"

          At the time, it was intended I think more as an allegory on the exploitation of South African gold miners under apartheid than as a general critique of capitalism by the prevailing socialist thinking in Britain in that era (it seems impossible now for me to believe how left wing Britain was in the late 1970s and even into the very early 1980s, but that is indeed the case; it feels like it was a completely different country. Perhaps it was ). No wonder the Thatcher government aggressively targeted the BBC (who produced the show), seeing it, probably rightly, as a hotbed of Trotskyite ideology.

          But the point the show was trying to make is as valid now as it was then and is the same point the Pope Francis is making. A great deal of our material wealth and affluence is built on others' suffering. It is wrong. And the system which both perpetrates the suffering and the people who benefit from it needs to change. Us turkeys are going to have to vote for Christmas.

          Disturbed Voter June 23, 2015 at 6:43 am

          Nice post, Clive. But I thought Brits ate goose at Christmas, and Americans eat turkey at Thanksgiving ;-)

          Yes, where have all the leftists gone? Is Cornel West the only one "left" in America? Forty years ago I was moving to the Right, in reaction to the Left. The Cold War was still on, patriotism et al.

          The current paradigm is insane so nature will not allow it to continue much longer. G-d not so much. The US today is qualitatively different than it was in the 70s.

          Trotsky was one of the first people to understand Hitler. Stalin not so much. Our current crop of elder pundits of Neoliberalism originally were Jewish trotskyites back in the 60s. Neoliberalism was perhaps pragmatic back then, but has outlived its usefulness.

          vidimi June 23, 2015 at 7:59 am

          old queen vic introduced the turkey to britain and it has supplanted the goose as a christmas special. i prefer goose, though.

          James Levy June 23, 2015 at 10:36 am

          My friend Tracey and her family still had "joint of beef" for Christmas.

          James Levy June 23, 2015 at 6:47 am

          The overweening arrogance of the Thatcherites and the neoclassical ideologues that are in evidence at Harvard is their insistence that what they peddle is not a set of values, but a "science", and that their set of values is the only set of values even worth considering (TINA). The Pope's job is to remind us all of another possible set of values and organizing principles. No one said you have to believe in them. But they have a right to be on the table when we collectively chose what kind of world we want to live in.

          John Smith June 23, 2015 at 6:13 am

          "All he needs to do is give all that he owns to the poor." Bill Black

          No. He is to sell all he owns but Jesus does not say that he is to then give away ALL the money. The rich guy's problem is his possessions, not money. Note that Matthew, another rich guy, did not give away all his money yet he was a disciple of Jesus.

          As for "free markets", what is free market about government-subsidized/privileged banks?

          Patricia June 23, 2015 at 6:35 am

          Don't know if this has been linked at NC; it is another righteous rant on the subject:

          http://www.counterpunch.org/2015/06/19/in-the-usa-i-cannot-write/

          Disturbed Voter June 23, 2015 at 7:18 am

          Nice. Takeaway? "no true feelings" insightful description of the people around me. The West in a state of nervous breakdown.

          vidimi June 23, 2015 at 11:11 am

          something didn't read right about this piece to me. hard to put my finger on it, but it came across as a bit hypocritical and a lot bitter. apart from that, the style is eclectic and the thoughts are scrambled all over the place. more a rant than a coherent argument.

          It all began when I arrived. After travelling some 48 hours from South Africa to Southern California, carrying films and books for the conference, I was not even met at the airport. So I took a taxi. But nobody met me at the place where I was supposed to stay. I stood on the street for more than one hour.

          in this passage he sounds like he suffers from affluenza. in those poor but righteous third world countries, he is treated like a rockstar. in the rotten US, he is dismayed at the lack of attention. although no doubt he has a point, it smacks a bit of entitlement.

          not vltchek's best work, but then again, he did admit to writing most of it on the plane.

          Synoia June 23, 2015 at 6:42 am

          it seems impossible now for me to believe how left wing Britain was in the late 1970s and even into the very early 1980s, but that is indeed the case; it feels like it was a completely different country.

          True. And greed, as described by Bill Black. has no limits.

          Moneta June 23, 2015 at 6:56 am

          Free markets and world economic order in the same sentence?

          Disturbed Voter June 23, 2015 at 7:10 am

          Irony perhaps? But then actual free markets are only in the imagination of Adam Smith.

          William C June 23, 2015 at 7:28 am

          I seem to remember plenty in WoN about businessmen conspiring against the public.

          Eric Patton June 23, 2015 at 8:22 am

          Very awesome essay.

          Ulysses June 23, 2015 at 8:52 am

          "Theoclassical economists are the high priests of this celebration of greed that Stavins admits poses the greatest threat to life on our planet. When Pope Francis posed a choice to Stavins, he chose to maintain his dogmatic belief in a system that he admits is suicidal and incapable of self-reform. The reason that the mythical and mystical "free markets" that Stavins worships are suicidal and incapable of self-reform even when they are producing "mass extinction" is that the markets are a system based on greed and the desire to obtain "great possessions" even if the result is to damn us and life on our planet."

          This is an extremely important point. We cannot combat neoliberal ideology as if it were simply a set of rational assumptions, albeit flowing from flawed premises. No, it is a religious dogma of greed, set up to combat all of the more communitarian and gentle schools of religious thought– including the Christianity of Pope Francis, or the environmentalism of St. Francis, the patron saint of ecologists.

          diptherio June 23, 2015 at 9:39 am

          Good to see that someone else pulls out the "rich young man" bit occasionally. Not many Christians I've talked to seem to be aware of it, much less of the implications. Good on ya'.

          vidimi June 23, 2015 at 10:46 am

          fundamentalists like to take things in the bible literally, but they know that jesus didn't mean it when he said that "It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God"

          Garrett Pace June 23, 2015 at 10:05 am

          Maybe he didn't realize that his possessions owned him, but the rich young man knew that *something* was wrong. For all his virtue and good works, he could feel things weren't right inside himself.

          Vatch June 23, 2015 at 10:30 am

          Pope Francis probably hasn't read The Gospel According to St. Lloyd Blankfein. If he had read it, he would know that investment bankers are doing God's work.

          [Jun 18, 2015] Pope Blames Markets for Environments Ills

          Notable quotes:
          "... "Humanity is called to recognize the need for changes of lifestyle, production and consumption, in order to combat this warming or at least the human causes which produce or aggravate it," he adds. ..."
          June 18, 2015 WSJ

          Pope Blames Markets for Environment's Ills. Pontiff condemns global warming as outgrowth of global consumerism. Pope Francis said human activity is the cause of climate change, which threatens the poor and future generations.

          ROME- Pope Francis in his much-awaited encyclical on the environment offered a broad and uncompromising indictment of the global market economy, accusing it of plundering the Earth at the expense of the poor and of future generations.

          In passionate language, the pontiff attributed global warming to human activity, blamed special interests for holding back policy responses and said the global North owes the South "an ecological debt."

          The 183-page document, which Pope Francis addresses to "every person living on this planet," includes pointed critiques of globalization and consumerism, which he says lead to environmental degradation.

          "The Earth, our home, is beginning to look more and more like an immense pile of filth," he writes.

          The encyclical's severe language stirred immediate controversy, signaling the weight the pontiff's stance could have on the pitched debate over how to respond to climate change.

          "Economic powers continue to justify the current global system where priority tends to be given to speculation and the pursuit of financial gain," he writes. "As a result, whatever is fragile, like the environment, is defenseless before the interests of the deified market, which become the only rule."

          The Vatican published the document, titled "Laudato Si" ("Be praised"), on Thursday. The official release came three days after the online publication of a leaked version by an Italian magazine.

          The Vatican spokesman, the Rev. Federico Lombardi, had described the leaked Italian text as a draft, but the final document, published in eight languages, differed only in minor ways, while the pope's main points were identical. An encyclical is considered one of the most authoritative forms of papal writing.

          In the encyclical, Pope Francis wades into the debate over the cause of global warming, lending high-profile support to those who attribute it to human activity.

          A "very solid scientific consensus indicates that we are presently witnessing a disturbing warming of the climactic system," contributing to a "constant rise in the sea level" and an "increase of extreme weather events," he writes.

          "Humanity is called to recognize the need for changes of lifestyle, production and consumption, in order to combat this warming or at least the human causes which produce or aggravate it," he adds.

          While acknowledging natural causes for climate change, including volcanic activity and the solar cycle, Pope Francis writes that a "number of scientific studies indicate that most global warming in recent decades is due to the great concentration of greenhouse gases (carbon dioxide, methane, nitrogen oxides and others) released mainly as a result of human activity."

          The pontiff goes on to argue that there is "an urgent need" for policies to drastically cut the emission of carbon dioxide and other gases and promote the switch to renewable sources of energy.

          Related Coverage

          Five Things to Know About 'Laudato Si'
          Latest Critic of Too-Big-To-Fail: Pope Francis
          Past Encyclicals That Had an Impact on the World
          'Laudato Si' in Full
          Excerpts From Pope Francis' Encyclical on the Environment
          On Global Warming, Pope Francis Is Clear but U.S. Catholics are Divided
          Scientists Back Pope Francis on Global Warming

          [Jun 18, 2015] Pope encyclical, climate-change live reaction and analysis

          Notable quotes:
          "... Senior Catholic figures in the US and UK have said the Pope's central message is: what sort of world do we want to leave for future generations? ..."
          "... Kurtz deflected criticism from Republican president contenders such as Jeb Bush that the Pope was straying from the pulpit into political terrain. "I don't think he is presenting a blue print for saying this is exactly a step by step recipe," Kurtz said. "He is providing a framework and a moral call as a true moral leader to say take seriously the urgency of this matter." ..."
          The Guardian
          • The Pope has warned of an "unprecedented destruction of ecosystems" and "serious consequences for all of us" if humanity fails to act on climate change, in his encyclical on the environment, published by the Vatican on Thursday.
          • Senior Catholic figures in the US and UK have said the Pope's central message is: what sort of world do we want to leave for future generations?
          • The UN secretary general, the World Bank president, plus the heads of the UN climate talks and the UN environment programme have all welcomed the encyclical, along with scores of charities and faith groups.
          • Church leaders will brief members of Congress on the encyclical on Thursday, and the White House on Friday on the encyclical. "It is our marching orders for advocacy," said Joseph Kurtz, the president of the US Conference of Catholic Bishop

          3.00pm BST10:00

          Our Rome correspondent Stephanie Kirchgaessner has filed a new report on the encyclical and reaction to it. Here's an extract:
          Cardinal Peter Turkson, the pope's top official on social and justice issues, flatly rejected arguments by some conservative politicians in the US that the pope ought to stay out of science.

          "Saying that a pope shouldn't deal with science sounds strange since science is a public domain. It is a subject matter that anyone can get in to," Turkson said at a press conference on Thursday.

          The pontiff's upcoming document is being hailed as a major intervention in the climate change debate – but what exactly is an encyclical?

          In an apparent reference to comments by Republican presidential contender Jeb Bush, who said he did not take economic advice from the pope, Turkson said that politicians had the right to disregard Francis's statement, but said it was wrong to do so based on the fact that the pope was not a scientist.

          "For some time now it has been the attempt of the whole world to kind of try to de-emphasise the artificial split between religion and public life as if religion plays no role," he said. Then, quoting an earlier pope, he said the best position was to "encourage dialogue between faith and reason".

          I'm going to finish up the liveblog now and we'll be switching to rolling news coverage on the Guardian's environment site.

          Ban Ki-moon reacts:
          The secretary-general welcomes the papal encyclical released today by His Holiness Pope Francis which highlights that climate change is one of the principal challenges facing humanity, and that it is a moral issue requiring respectful dialogue with all parts of society. The secretary-general notes the encyclical's findings that there is "a very solid scientific consensus" showing significant warming of the climate system and that most global warming in recent decades is "mainly a result of human activity".

          Ban called on governments to "place the global common good above national interests and to adopt an ambitious, universal climate agreement" at the UN climate summit in Paris this December.

          There are shades of the Pope's own language there. In the encyclical, he says: "International [climate] negotiations cannot make significant progress due to positions taken by countries which place their national interests above the global common good".

          2.38pm BST09:38

          Suzanne Goldenberg

          US church leaders said they saw the message as an urgent call for dialogue and action – one they intend to amplify on social media and in the pulpit.

          "It is our marching orders for advocacy," Joseph Kurtz, the president of the US Conference of Catholic Bishops and the Archbishop of Louisville. "It really brings about a new urgency for us." Church leaders will brief members of Congress on Thursday, and the White House tomorrow on the encyclical.

          Kurtz deflected criticism from Republican president contenders such as Jeb Bush that the Pope was straying from the pulpit into political terrain. "I don't think he is presenting a blue print for saying this is exactly a step by step recipe," Kurtz said. "He is providing a framework and a moral call as a true moral leader to say take seriously the urgency of this matter."

          2.33pm BST09:33

          Suzanne Goldenberg

          Here's a selection of some more US faith group reaction: Most Reverend Stephen E. Blaire, Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Stockton:

          This document written for all people of good will challenges institutions and individuals to preserve and respect creation as a gift from God to be used for the benefit of all.

          Rabbi Marvin Goodman, Rabbi in Residence, Jewish Community Federation and Endowment Fund, San Francisco:

          I'm inspired and grateful for the Pope's high profile leadership and commitment to environmental justice.

          Imam Taha Hassane, Islamic Center of San Diego:

          Local and National Muslim Leadership support policies that both halt environmental degradation and repair that which has already occurred. We stand with any leader, secular or spiritual, who is willing to speak out against this issue.

          2.23pm BST09:23

          Cardinal Vincent Nichols in the UK has echoed US Archbishop Joseph Edward Kurtz in his view of what the Pope's central message is: what sort of world do we want to leave for future generations to inherit? The Press Association reports:
          Speaking at Our Lady & St Joseph's Catholic Primary School, in Poplar, east London, against the backdrop of the skyscrapers of Canary Wharf, Cardinal Vincent Nichols said one of the key messages of the document was asking "what kind of world we want to leave to those who come afterwards".

          The pope's message challenged the idea that infinite material progress was possible, with more goods and more consumption, that "we have to have the latest phone", said the cardinal, who is head of the Catholic Church in England and Wales.

          2.13pm BST09:13

          The US House of Representatives' Sustainable Energy and Environment Coalition says – in an apparent reference to climate denial on the US right – that "the political will of many is still askew" when it comes to tackling global warming. It hopes the Pope's encyclical might change that:
          For those unmoved by the science of climate change, we hope that Pope Francis' encyclical demonstrates the virtue and moral imperative for action. Today's announcement further aligns the scientific and moral case for climate action, yet the political will of many is still askew. The time to act on climate is now, and failure to do so will further damage the planet, its people, and our principles.

          Michael Brune, the executive director of the US-based Sierra Club, which has more than 2m members, and has waged a very effective campaign against coal power plants, said:

          Pope Francis's guidance as a pastor and a teacher shines a light on the moral obligation we all share to address the climate crisis that transcends borders and politics. This Encyclical underscores the need for climate action not just to protect our environment, but to protect humankind and the most vulnerable communities among us. The vision laid out in these teachings serves as inspiration to everyone across the world who seeks a more just, compassionate, and healthy future.

          Updated at 2.16pm BST

          2.06pm BST09:06

          And talking of short reads, I've written a little piece on eight things we learned from the encyclical.

          1.54pm BST08:54

          In case you don't have enough time to read the 100+ page encyclical itself (the length varies depending on the language and font size of the versions kicking around),

          1.53pm BST08:53

          Some more reaction from UK charities on how governments meeting in Paris later this year should listen to the Pope.

          Adriano Campolina, chief executive of ActionAid International, said:

          The Pope's message highlights the important links between climate change, poverty and overconsumption. They are part of the same problem and any lasting solution to climate change must tackle these fundamental issues.

          The powerful truth in Pope Francis' message reaches far beyond the Catholic Church or climate campaigners. Action on climate requires both environmental and social justice. As negotiators work on a climate deal for Paris, our leaders must show the same moral and political courage that Pope Francis has.

          Christian conservation group A Rocha said: "national governments should follow the Pope's example and take 'meaningful action' on climate change".

          One of the most senior figures in the US Catholic church, Joseph Edward Kurtz, Archbishop of Louisville, has been speaking at a US press conference. He said that that perhaps the central message of the encyclical is: what kind of world do we want to leave to those who come after us?

          Here are some highlights from Kurtz:

          It's really a very beautiful and very extensive treatment of what Pope Francis has called our common home.

          ...

          The Pope over and over again says that care for the things of this Earth is necessarily bound with care for one another and especially those who are poor. He calls it an interdependency.

          ...

          He speaks on very indivudal choices as well as the public sphere

          ...

          Over and over again he talks about the world as a gift

          ...

          He uses a phrase he's used very often: to reject a throwaway culture.

          ...

          He talks about very specific things, about slums in which people are forced to live, the lack of clean water, about the consumerism mentality.

          And that perhaps this is the centre of his message: what kind of world do we want to leave to those who come after us?

          ...

          Our pope is speaking with a very much pastor's voice and with a deep respect for the role of science.

          Three essential areas that our Catholic community is being called to being involved in:

          1) to advocate, a local, national and global level, to advocate for the common good. We know that faith if done well, actually enriches public life. And we know that technology tells us what we can do, but we need moral voices that tell us what we should do

          2) [the video cut out at this point so I'm afraid I missed his second point]

          3) The use of our resources, in whole we build buildings, should honour the Earth

          Here's the Pope himself on that issue of what we leave future generations:

          Leaving an inhabitable planet to future generations is, first and foremost, up to us. The issue is one which dramatically affects us, for it has to do with the ultimate meaning of our earthly sojourn.

          We may well be leaving to coming generations debris, desolation and filth. The pace of consumption, waste and environmental change has so stretched the planet's capacity that our contemporary lifestyle, unsustainable as it is, can only precipitate catastrophes, such as those which even now periodically occur in different areas of the world. The effects of the present imbalance can only be reduced by our decisive action, here and now.

          Summary

          Updated at 2.21pm BST

          1.20pm BST08:20

          World Bank group president Jim Yong Kim said:
          Today's release of Pope Francis' first encyclical should serve as a stark reminder to all of us of the intrinsic link between climate change and poverty. We know the scientific, business and economic case for action to combat climate change and I welcome the pope's emphasis on our moral obligation to act.

          He added:

          The pope's encyclical comes at a pivotal moment in the lead up to December's Paris meeting on climate change.

          1.06pm BST08:06

          Here's some more reaction from religious groups, who say people should heed the Pope's call to action.

          Dr Guillermo Kerber of the World Council of Churches, which has previously promised to rule out future investments in fossil fuels, said:

          The World Council of Churches welcomes Pope Francis' encyclical which catalyses what churches and ecumenical organizations have been doing for decades on caring for the earth and climate justice issues. By affirming human induced climate change and its impacts on the poorest and most vulnerable communities, the Encyclical is an important call to urgently act as individuals, citizens and also at the international level to effectively respond to the climate crisis.

          Dr. Steven Timmermans, executive director of the Christian Reformed Church in North America, said:

          We affirm Pope Francis' moral framing of the threats posed by climate change. We have too many brothers and sisters around the world living on the edge of poverty whose livelihoods are threatened-and too many little ones in our congregations set to inherit a dangerously broken world-to believe otherwise. For too long the church has been silent about the moral travesty of climate change. Today, the Pope has said, 'Enough is enough,' and the Christian Reformed Church welcomes his voice.

          Sister Pat McDermott, president of the Sisters of Mercy of the Americas, said:

          We welcome Pope Francis' critique of the current, dominant economic model that prioritizes the market, profit and unharnessed consumption and regards Earth as a resource to be exploited.

          Updated at 3.49pm BST

          1.02pm BST08:02

          Rev. Mitch Hescox, president of the US-based Evangelical Environmental Network, which lobbies American politicians on environmental issues, welcomed the Pope's encyclical. He said:
          It's time to make hope happen by fuelling the unstoppable clean energy transition, stopping the ideological battles, and working together.

          Creating a new energy economy that benefits all and addresses climate change is not about a political party but living as a disciple of Jesus Christ. We urge all people of good will, especially fellow Christian conservatives to read and study these timely words from Pope Francis.

          12.55pm BST07:55

          The New York Times' Justin Gillis says (fairly, in my opinion) that the Pope is more cautious on the science behind climate change than many scientists.
          ...amid all his soaring rhetoric, did the pope get the science right?

          The short answer from climate and environmental scientists is that he did, at least to the degree possible in a religious document meant for a broad audience. If anything, they say, he may have bent over backward to offer a cautious interpretation of the scientific facts.

          For example, a substantial body of published science says that human emissions have caused all the global warming that has occurred over the past century. Yet in his letter, Francis does not go quite that far, citing volcanoes, the sun and other factors that can influence the climate before he concludes that "most global warming in recent decades is due to the great concentration of greenhouse gases" released mainly by human activity.

          The world's most authoritative body on climate science, the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, found in its landmark report last year that global warming is "unequivocal" and humanity's role in causing it is "clear".

          12.47pm BST07:47

          The Pope is surprisingly specific on what he does like, and sees as part of the solutions to climate change.

          For instance, he name-checks energy storage, something that Tesla's Elon Musk made waves with over his recent announcement of a home battery, and is seen in some quarters as important to help alleviate the intermittent nature of some renewable power.

          Worldwide there is minimal access to clean and renewable energy. There is still a need to develop adequate storage technologies.

          And he likes community green energy schemes, akin to one in a UK village that was the site of the country's biggest anti-fracking protests but now hopes to build a sizeable solar power installation:

          In some places, cooperatives are being developed to exploit renewable sources of energy which ensure local self-sufficiency and even the sale of surplus energy. This simple example shows that, while the existing world order proves powerless to assume its responsibilities, local individuals and groups can make a real difference.

          12.16pm BST07:16

          Bob Perciasepe of US thinktank Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, has blogged on the unique role the Pope can play in the climate change arena and how he might influence American minds:
          Scientists, environmentalists, politicians, business executives, and military leaders have all raised concerns for years about the real risks of climate change. But few individuals are as influential as the pope. By calling on people to act on their conscience, Pope Francis provides a powerful counterpoint to what has become a largely ideologically-driven debate, especially here in the United States.

          12.12pm BST07:12

          Nicholas Stern, the economist and author of an influential report on climate change, said the encyclical was of "enormous significance".
          The publication of the Pope's encyclical is of enormous significance. He has shown great wisdom and leadership. Pope Francis is surely absolutely right that climate change raises vital moral and ethical issues. It is poor people around the world who are most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, such as an intensification of extreme weather events. And the decisions that we make about managing the risks of climate change matter not only for us, but also for our children, grandchildren and future generations.

          He added:

          Moral leadership on climate change from the Pope is particularly important because of the failure of many heads of state and government around the world to show political leadership.

          And here's what the Pope himself says about world leaders' failure to act on climate change and environmental problems:

          Many of those who possess more resources and economic or political power seem mostly to be concerned with masking the problems or concealing their symptoms, simply making efforts to reduce some of the negative impacts of climate change.

          Updated at 12.12pm BST

          12.09pm BST07:09

          John Hooper

          The pope's effort to sever the link between population growth and environmental deterioration should not, however, detract from the importance of what else he has to say. This is the first encyclical to be devoted entirely to environmental issues, though it is certainly not the first time a pope has spoken out on the destruction of the environment.

          As the encyclical notes, Paul VI first raised the issue as long ago as 1971, describing it as a "tragic consequence" of uncontrolled human activity. Saint John Paul II and his successor, Benedict XVI, inveighed against mankind's ill-treatment of nature – or as they viewed it, creation.

          Far more explicitly than his predecessors, however, Francis heaps the blame on to the part of humanity that is rich. He accepts that the poorer nations should "acknowledge the scandalous level of consumption in some privileged sectors of their population and combat corruption more effectively." They ought also to develop less pollutant sources of energy.

          12.00pm BST07:00

          The Pope suggests that you can't care about nature and support abortion, which the Catholic church strongly opposes:
          Since everything is interrelated, concern for the protection of nature is also incompatible with the justification of abortion. How can we genuinely teach the importance of concern for other vulnerable beings, however troublesome or inconvenient they may be, if we fail to protect a human embryo, even when its presence is uncomfortable and creates difficulties?

          The other elephant in the room is birth control and overpopulation, though the Pope seems to have anticipated criticism on that. He takes the line, supported by many environmentalists, that consumption is the problem, not overpopulation. The encyclical says:

          To blame population growth instead of extreme and selective consumerism on the part of some, is one way of refusing to face the issues.

          Updated at 1.14pm BST

          11.56am BST06:56

          The head of the UN's environment programme, Achim Steiner, has echoed the UN's climate chief in saying today's text should be a clarion call for action.
          This encyclical is a clarion call that resonates not only with Catholics, but with all of the Earth's peoples. Science and religion are aligned on this matter: The time to act is now.

          We (UNEP) share Pope Francis' view that our response to environmental degradation and climate change cannot only be defined by science, technology or economics, but is also a moral imperative. We must not overlook that the world's poorest and most vulnerable suffer most from the changes we are seeing. Humanity's environmental stewardship of the planet must recognise the interests of both current and future generations.

          Updated at 12.02pm BST

          11.53am BST06:53

          The Pope on biodiversity loss, GM and more

          On the loss of species and ecosystems

          Each year sees the disappearance of thousands of plant and animal species which we will never know, which our children will never see, because they have been lost for ever. The great majority become extinct for reasons related to human activity.

          ...

          a sober look at our world shows that the degree of human intervention, often in the service of business interests and consumerism, is actually making our earth less rich and beautiful, ever more limited and grey, even as technological advances and consumer goods continue to abound limitlessly. We seem to think that we can substitute an irreplaceable and irretrievable beauty with something which we have created ourselves.

          On GM
          It is difficult to make a general judgement about genetic modification (GM) ... The risks involved are not always due to the techniques used, but rather to their improper or excessive application ... This is a complex environmental issue
          On water quality
          One particularly serious problem is the quality of water available to the poor. Every day, unsafe water results in many deaths and the spread of water-related diseases, including those caused by microorganisms and chemical substances.
          On fossil fuels
          We know that technology based on the use of highly polluting fossil fuels – especially coal, but also oil and, to a lesser degree, gas – needs to be progressively replaced without delay. Until greater progress is made in developing widely accessible sources of renewable energy, it is legitimate to choose the lesser of two evils or to find short-term solutions.

          Updated at 11.58am BST

          11.49am BST06:49

          At the Vatican press conference, Peter Turkson, a Ghanian cardinal of the Catholic church, says US climate sceptics are entitled to their view.

          "The other big thing about Republicans and presidential figures saying they will not listen to the Pope is that is their freedom, their freedom of choice," he said, in an apparent reference to Jeb Bush (see 11:21).

          He said "it's easy to say because the Pope is not a scientist he shouldn't talk about science", and said "I would not attach much credibility" to those criticisms.

          11.42am BST06:42

          At 1.30pm BST, Donald William Wuerl, one of five cardinals who lead the US archdiocese, will be holding a press conference on the encyclical. I'll try to summarise some of it here on the blog.

          11.39am BST06:39

          The pontiff included a personal handwritten note in his communication. It ended with a plea for help: "United in the lord, and please do not forget to pray for me."
          - Rocco Palmo (@roccopalmo) June 18, 2015

          "In bond of unity, charity and peace," Pope entrusts #LaudatoSi to world's bishops w/ personal note, asks prayers: pic.twitter.com/bJ9fXGvbnC

          11.37am BST06:37

          On technology and business

          One recurring motif throughout the encyclical is a general scepticism or outright hostility to technological solutions to environmental challenges, and to the role that big business should play in tackling climate change.

          For example:

          Technology, which, linked to business interests, is presented as the only way of solving these problems, in fact proves incapable of seeing the mysterious network of relations between things and so sometimes solves one problem only to create others

          ...

          To seek only a technical remedy to each environmental problem which comes up is to separate what is in reality interconnected and to mask the true and deepest problems of the global system.

          He doesn't like carbon trading either. In this passage he seems to be referring to the only current global carbon trading scheme, the CDM:

          The strategy of buying and selling "carbon credits" can lead to a new form of speculation which would not help reduce the emission of polluting gases worldwide. This system seems to provide a quick and easy solution under the guise of a certain commitment to the environment, but in no way does it allow for the radical change which present circumstances require. Rather, it may simply become a ploy which permits maintaining the excessive consumption of some countries and sectors.

          And some sections sound like they could have been ghostwritten by Guardian columnist George Monbiot:

          Is it realistic to hope that those who are obsessed with maximizing profits will stop to reflect on the environmental damage which they will leave behind for future generations?

          11.33am BST06:33

          The Pope isn't just concerned about climate change. He has some very colourful turns of phrase about other environmental problems, such as pollution and waste:
          The earth, our home, is beginning to look more and more like an immense pile of filth. In many parts of the planet, the elderly lament that once beautiful landscapes are now covered with rubbish.

          11.31am BST06:31

          The Pope on climate change and the science

          Here's the English version of the encyclical on the Vatican's site.

          The Pope makes reference to the huge body of work by national science academies and international bodies such as the IPCC on climate science:

          A very solid scientific consensus indicates that we are presently witnessing a disturbing warming of the climatic system.

          He warns of serious consequences if we don't act on climate change:

          If present trends continue, this century may well witness extraordinary climate change and an unprecedented destruction of ecosystems, with serious consequences for all of us.

          As many studies have already pointed out, the Pope notes that the world's poor are expected to suffer most from global warming:

          It [climate change] represents one of the principal challenges facing humanity in our day. Its worst impact will probably be felt by developing countries in coming decades. Many of the poor live in areas particularly affected by phenomena related to warming, and their means of subsistence are largely dependent on natural reserves and ecosystemic services such as agriculture, fishing and forestry.

          11.28am BST06:28

          Suzanne Goldenberg

          Suzanne Goldenberg

          The message brought an outpouring of support from environmental groups, climate scientists, and leaders of all religions, eager to counter a series of pre-emptive attacks on the Pope from conservatives.

          The response was a first glimpse of a vast and highly organised mobilisation effort around the letter visit, and a papal visit to the US in September.

          The Pope will get an another chance to exhort leaders to act – this time in person – when he addresses both houses of Congress.

          With that high profile visit in mind, campaigners argued the Pope's intervention had re-set the parameters of the discussion surrounding climate change, from narrow political agenda to broader morality. The Pope's message was above religion, they said.

          "The Pope's message applies to all of us," said Rhea Suh, president of the Natural Resources Defense Council. "He is imploring people of good will everywhere to honour our moral obligation to protect future generations from the dangers of further climate chaos by embracing our ethical duty to act," she said.

          Cafod, the Catholic charity went so far as to suggest that that was the Pope's design all along.

          "The Pope has deliberately released the encyclical in a year of key UN moments that will affect humanity," said Neil Thomas, director of advocacy. "He is reading the signs of his times and telling us that the human and environmental costs of our current way of life are simply too high."

          Ray Bradley, the climate scientist, said: "He has no political agenda. He speaks from the heart (not the Heartland) with unimpeachable moral authority. Who else can address this issue without the taint of politics? Moreover, Pope Francis has a particular responsibility to those without a voice at the centres of power in affluent countries.

          But the Pope's message is expected to resonate most strongly among the environmental campaigners operating within the Church.

          For activist priests and nuns, who have lobbied oil companies and called on their own parishes to divest, the encyclical puts the Vatican's stamp of approval on years of effort, often at the sidelines.

          That on its own has galvanised campaigners, said Sister Joan Brown, a Franciscan in New Mexico who has worked on climate change for more than 20 years.

          "I've never seen anything like this in the faith community or otherwise," she said.

          The pope's message set off a flood of new activity that has been more than a year in the planning.

          In deference to the Pope, mainstream environmental groups will be operating in the background.

          "We've been asking environmental groups to hold back on this...so that the message isn't one that would maybe cause more polarisation, rather than less," Sister Joan said.

          But the Catholic church – and activist wings among other religious communities – are jumping in to try and amplify thePope's message and build momentum for action on climate.

          The archbishop's office in Atlanta signed up scientists and engineers to help parishes, and parishioners, reduce their carbon footprint. The Bishop of Des Moines is planning to hold a press conference at a wind farm.

          The Evangelical Environmental Network also came out strongly behind the Pope.

          More than 300 rabbis signed on to a letter calling on Jewish institutions and individuals to divest from "carbon Pharaohs" or coal-based electric power, and buy wind power instead.

          Updated at 11.48am BST

          11.27am BST06:27

          Observers of the climate talks and Christian, development and environment groups have warmly welcomed the Pope's encyclical.

          Former UN general secretary Kofi Annan, said:

          As Pope Francis reaffirms, climate change is an all-encompassing threat: it is a threat to our security, our health, and our sources of fresh water and food ... I applaud the Pope for his strong moral and ethical leadership. We need more of such inspired leadership. Will we see it at the climate summit in Paris?

          Penny Lawrence, Oxfam's deputy chief executive, said:

          The Pope is right – climate change is a problem for all of humanity that is hitting the world's poorest hardest. His words could and should add real urgency to efforts to protect people and planet. World leaders meeting at the UN climate talks in Paris later this year should be in no doubt that the world expects them to put aside short-term national interest and move us all closer to a safer and more prosperous future.

          Andrew Steer, president and chief executive of the US-based World Resources Institute:

          The pope's message brings moral clarity that the world's leaders must come together to address this urgent human challenge. This message adds to the global drumbeat of support for urgent climate action. Top scientists, economists, business leaders and the pope can't all be wrong.

          Updated at 11.54am BST

          11.21am BST06:21

          The encyclical is unimpressed by those who deny the science of climate change:
          regrettably, many efforts to seek concrete solutions to the environmental crisis have proved ineffective, not only because of powerful opposition but also because of a more general lack of interest. Obstructionist attitudes, even on the part of believers, can range from denial of the problem to indifference, nonchalant resignation or blind confidence in technical solutions.

          The pushback from Republican and the rest of the US right, where climate scepticism is a badge of honour, has already begun. Jeb Bush, the Republican presidential candidate, said yesterday: "I hope I'm not going to get castigated for saying this by my priest back home, but I don't get economic policy from my bishops or my cardinal or my pope."

          And as our US environment correspondent Suzanne Goldenberg found out last week at a gathering of US climate sceptics, the Pope's encyclical is at the top of their list of concerns.

          Suzanne Goldenberg visits the Heartland Institute's conference in Washington, an annual gathering of climate sceptics, to hear what delegates – including US senator James Inhofe and blogger Marc Morano – think about the Pope's encyclical on the environment and climate change

          11.14am BST06:14

          The Pope has invited his 6m Twitter followers to take notice of his encyclical today, too:
          - Pope Francis (@Pontifex) June 18, 2015

          I invite all to pause to think about the challenges we face regarding care for our common home. #LaudatoSi

          As a mock movie trailer for the encyclical put it earlier this week, he's "an easy man to follow and a hard man to silence".

          11.12am BST06:12

          The Pope on UN climate talks

          Christiana Figueres, the UN's climate chief, says the Pope's intervention should act as a "clarion call" for a strong deal at Paris:

          Pope Francis' encyclical underscores the moral imperative for urgent action on climate change to lift the planet's most vulnerable populations, protect development, and spur responsible growth. This clarion call should guide the world towards a strong and durable universal climate agreement in Paris at the end of this year. Coupled with the economic imperative, the moral imperative leaves no doubt that we must act on climate change now.
          Christiana Figueres. Photograph: Martin Godwin/Martin Godwin

          But the Pope isn't very impressed by more than 20 years of UN climate talks. He says the annual summits have produced "regrettably few" advances on efforts to cut carbon emissions and rein in global warming. The encyclical says:

          It is remarkable how weak international political responses have been. The failure of global summits on the environment make it plain that our politics are subject to technology and finance. There are too many special interests, and economic interests easily end up trumping the common good and manipulating information so that their own plans will not be affected.
          I've just uploaded the English version of the encyclical on Scribd. I'll be posting some of the highlights here on the live blog shortly.

          11.02am BST06:02

          John Schellnhuber, Angela Merkel's climate adviser and a leading climate change scientist, is punning his way through a presentation at the encyclical's launch, "praying" his Powerpoint will work.

          Of the encyclical, he said:

          it is very unique in the sense that it brings together two strong powers in the world, namely faith and moral and on the other reason and ingenuity. It's an environmental crisis but also a social crisis. These two things together pose an enormouse challenge. Only if these two things work together, faith and reason, can we overcome it

          10.58am BST05:58

          A spokesman for the Vatican told a packed press conference in the Vatican audience hall this morning that in his 25 years there he has worked there, he has never seen as much prolonged, global and intense anticipation for a single document, AP reports.

          The press conference is being live-streamed on YouTube:

          10.54am BST05:54

          At 11am the Vatican will publish the Pope's long-awaited encyclical on the environment, following its leak earlier this week by an Italian magazine.

          The more-than-100 page text is wide-ranging, majoring on climate change, but also touching on pollution, biodiversity loss, the oceans, man's modern relationship with nature, the dangers of relying on the markets and technology, and overconsumption.

          In case you're wondering what an encyclical is, our southern Europe editor John Hooper, has a great Q&A here on their history and the importance the documents carry.

          The more than 190 countries involved in the international climate change will be keenly watching the text too – it could have a big impact on the talks ahead of a major summit in Paris later this year.

          Updated at 1.32pm BST

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          [Jun 15, 2015] Academics Who Defend Wall St. Reap Reward

          "... What Mr. Pirrong has routinely left out of most of his public pronouncements in favor of speculation is that he has reaped financial benefits from speculators and some of the largest players in the commodities business, The New York Times has found. ..."
          "... The efforts by the financial players, the interviews show, are part of a sweeping campaign to beat back regulation and shape policies that affect the prices that people around the world pay for essentials like food, fuel and cotton. ..."
          December 27, 2013 | NYTimes.com

          Signs of the energy business are inescapable in and around Houston - the pipelines, refineries and tankers that crowd the harbor, and the gleaming office towers where oil companies and energy traders have transformed the skyline.

          And in a squat glass building on the University of Houston campus, a measure of the industry's pre-eminence can also be found in the person of Craig Pirrong, a professor of finance, who sits at the nexus of commerce and academia.

          As energy companies and traders have reaped fortunes by buying and selling oil and other commodities during the recent boom in the commodity markets, Mr. Pirrong has positioned himself as the hard-nosed defender of financial speculators - the combative, occasionally acerbic academic authority to call upon when difficult questions arise in Congress and elsewhere about the multitrillion-dollar global commodities trade.

          Do financial speculators and commodity index funds drive up prices of oil and other essentials, ultimately costing consumers? Since 2006, Mr. Pirrong has written a flurry of influential letters to federal agencies arguing that the answer to that question is an emphatic no. He has testified before Congress to that effect, hosted seminars with traders and government regulators, and given countless interviews for financial publications absolving Wall Street speculation of any appreciable role in the price spikes.

          What Mr. Pirrong has routinely left out of most of his public pronouncements in favor of speculation is that he has reaped financial benefits from speculators and some of the largest players in the commodities business, The New York Times has found.

          While his university's financial ties to speculators have been the subject of scrutiny by the news media and others, it was not until last month, after repeated requests by The Times under the Freedom of Information Act, that the University of Houston, a public institution, insisted that Mr. Pirrong submit disclosure forms that shed some light on those financial ties.

          Governments and regulatory agencies in the United States and Europe have been gradually moving to restrict speculation by major banks. The Federal Reserve, concerned about the risks, is reviewing whether it should tighten regulations and limit the activities of banks in the commodities world.

          But interviews with dozens of academics and traders, and a review of hundreds of emails and other documents involving two highly visible professors in the commodities field - Mr. Pirrong and Professor Scott H. Irwin at the University of Illinois - show how major players on Wall Street and elsewhere have been aggressive in underwriting and promoting academic work.

          The efforts by the financial players, the interviews show, are part of a sweeping campaign to beat back regulation and shape policies that affect the prices that people around the world pay for essentials like food, fuel and cotton.

          Professors Pirrong and Irwin say that industry backing did not color their opinions.

          Mr. Pirrong's research was cited extensively by the plaintiffs in a lawsuit filed by Wall Street interests in 2011 that for two years has blocked the limits on speculation that had been approved by Congress as part of the Dodd-Frank financial reform law. During that same time period, Mr. Pirrong has worked as a paid research consultant for one of the lead plaintiffs in the case, the International Swaps and Derivatives Association, according to his disclosure form.

          While he customarily identifies himself solely as an academic, Mr. Pirrong has been compensated in the last several years by the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, the commodities trading house Trafigura, the Royal Bank of Scotland, and a handful of companies that speculate in energy, according to the disclosure forms.

          The disclosure forms do not require Mr. Pirrong to reveal how much money he made from his consulting work, and a university spokesman said that the university believed it was strengthened by the financial support it received from the business community. When asked about the financial benefits of his outside activities, Mr. Pirrong replied, "That's between me and the I.R.S."

          Debating to a Stalemate

          No one disputes that a substantial portion of price increases in oil and food over the last decade were caused by fundamental market factors: increased demand from China and other industrializing countries, extreme weather, currency fluctuations and the diversion of grain to biofuel.

          But so much speculative money poured into markets - from $13 billion in 2003 to $317 billion at a peak in 2008 - that many economists, and even some commodities traders and investment banks, say the flood became a factor of its own in distorting prices.

          Others assert that commodities markets have historically gone through intermittent price bubbles and that the most recent gyrations were not caused by the influx of speculative money. Mr. Pirrong has also argued that the huge inflow of Wall Street money may actually lower costs by decreasing what commodities producers pay to manage their risk.

          Mr. Pirrong and the University of Houston are not alone in publicly defending speculation while accepting financial help from speculators. Other researchers have received funding or paid consulting jobs courtesy of major commodities traders including AIG Financial Products, banks including the Royal Bank of Canada or financial industry groups like the Futures Industry Association.

          One of the most widely quoted defenders of speculation in agricultural markets, Mr. Irwin of the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, consults for a business that serves hedge funds, investment banks and other commodities speculators, according to information received by The Times under the Freedom of Information Act. The business school at the University of Illinois has received more than a million dollars in donations from the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and several major commodities traders, to pay for scholarships and classes and to build a laboratory that resembles a trading floor at the commodities market.

          Mr. Irwin, the University of Illinois and the Chicago exchange all say that his research is not related to the financial support.

          Underwriting researchers and academic institutions is one part of Wall Street's efforts to fend off regulation.

          The industry has also spent millions on lobbyists and lawyers to promote its views in Congress and with government regulators. Major financial companies have also funded magazines and websites to promote academics with friendly points of view. When two studies commissioned by the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, the financial regulatory agency, raised questions about the possible drawbacks of speculation and of high-frequency trading, lawyers for the Chicago exchange wrote a letter of complaint, saying that its members' proprietary trading information was at risk of disclosure, and the research program was shut down.

          The result of the various Wall Street efforts has been a policy stalemate that has allowed intensive speculation in commodities to continue despite growing concern that it may harm consumers and, for example, worsen food shortages. After a two-year legal delay, the futures trading commission this month introduced plans for new limits on speculation. Some European banks have stopped speculating in food, fearing it might contribute to worldwide hunger.

          Mr. Pirrong, Mr. Irwin and other scholars say that financial considerations have not influenced their work. In some cases they have gone against the industry's interests. They also say that other researchers with no known financial ties to the industry have also raised doubts about any link involving speculation and soaring prices.

          But ethics experts say that when academics fail to disclose financial ties, they do a disservice to the public and undermine the perception of impartiality.

          "If those that are creating the culture around financial regulation also have a significant, if hidden, conflict of interest, our public is not likely to be well served," said Gerald Epstein, an economics professor at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, who in 2010 released a study about conflicts of interest among academics who advised the federal government after the financial crisis.

          Speculation in the Market

          Financial ties among professors promoting speculation and the banks and trading firms that profit from it date back to the beginning of the recent commodities boom, which got an intellectual kick-start from academia.

          After Congress and the Clinton administration deregulated the commodities markets in 2000, and the Securities and Exchange Commission lowered capital requirements on investment banks in 2004, the financial giants began developing new funds to capitalize on the opportunity.

          AIG Financial Products commissioned two highly respected Yale University professors in 2004 to analyze the performance of commodities markets over a half-century. The professors - who prominently acknowledged the financial support - concluded that commodities markets "work well when they are needed most," namely when the stock and bond markets falter.

          Money flowed into the commodities markets, and although the markets have cooled in the last two years, the price of oil is now four times what it was a decade ago, and corn, wheat and soybeans are all more than twice as expensive.

          A public uproar about the rising prices became heated in the spring of 2008, as oil soared and gas prices became an issue in the presidential campaign. Congress scheduled public hearings to explore whether speculation had become so excessive it was distorting prices.

          Financial speculators are investors who bet on price swings without any intention of taking delivery of the physical commodity. They can help smooth the volatility of the market by adding capital, spreading risk and offering buyers and sellers a kind of price insurance. But an assortment of studies by academics, congressional committees and consumer advocate groups had found evidence suggesting that the wave of speculation that accelerated in 2003 had at times overwhelmed the market.

          Financial speculators accounted for 30 percent of commodities markets in 2002, and 70 percent in 2008. As gasoline topped $4 a gallon in the summer of 2008, Congress tried to soothe angry motorists by pushing for restrictions on oil speculation.

          Mr. Pirrong jumped into the fray. He wrote papers, blog posts and opinion pieces for publications like The Wall Street Journal, calling the concern about speculation "a witch hunt."

          Mr. Pirrong also testified before the House of Representatives in 2008 and, identifying himself as an academic who had worked for commodities exchanges a decade earlier, he warned that congressional plans to rein in speculators would only make matters worse.

          "Indeed, such policies are likely to harm U.S. consumers and producers," he said. When oil company executives, traders and investment banks cited speculation as a major cause of surging prices which, by some estimates, was costing American consumers more than $300 billion a year, Mr. Pirrong dutifully contradicted them.

          Mr. Pirrong's profile grew as he sat on advisory panels and hosted conferences with senior executives from the trading world as well as top federal regulators. Last year, Blythe Masters, head of commodity trading at JPMorgan Chase, approached him to write a report for a global bank lobbying group, the Global Financial Markets Association.

          The report was completed in July 2012, but the association declined to release it. Mr. Pirrong said it was because he had reached the conclusion that banks should be regulated more heavily than other commodity traders. "I wouldn't change the call, so they sat on the report," he wrote on his blog, The Streetwise Professor.

          What Mr. Pirrong did not reveal in his public statements about the report is that he had financial ties to both sides of that debate: the commodities traders as well as the banks. Ms. Masters declined to comment. Over the years, Mr. Pirrong has resisted releasing details of his own financial dealings with speculators, and when The Times first requested his disclosure forms in March, the University of Houston said that none were required of him. The disclosure forms Mr. Pirrong ultimately filed in November indicate that since 2011, he has been paid for outside work involving 11 different clients. Some fees are for his work as an expert witness, testifying in court cases on behalf of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and a bank and a company that makes futures-trading software. The commodities firm Trafigura contracted him to conduct a research project.

          Mr. Pirrong is also a member of the advisory board for TruMarx Partners, a company that sells software to energy traders, a position that entitles him to a stock option package.

          It was reported in The Nation magazine in November that the University of Houston's Global Energy Management Institute, where Mr. Pirrong serves as a director, has also received funding from the Chicago exchange, as well as financial institutions that profit from speculation, including Citibank and Bank of America.

          On his blog, Mr. Pirrong has dismissed suggestions that his work for a school that trains future oil industry executives creates a conflict of interest.

          "Uhm, no, dipstick," he wrote in 2011, replying to a reader who had questioned his objectivity. "I call 'em like I see 'em." In a telephone interview last week, Mr. Pirrong said that his consulting work gave him insight into the kind of real-world case studies that improve his research and teaching. "My compensation doesn't depend on my conclusions," he said.

          When asked about Mr. Pirrong's disclosure, Richard Bonnin, a university spokesman said only that all employees were given annual training on the school's policy, which requires researchers to report paid outside consultant work.

          Professors as Pitchmen

          Concerns about academic conflicts of interest have become a major issue among business professors and economists since the financial crisis. In 2010, the documentary "Inside Job" blasted a handful of prominent academic economists who did not reveal Wall Street's financial backing of studies which, in some cases, extolled the virtues of financially unsound assets. Two years later, the American Economic Association adopted tougher disclosure rules.

          Even with the guidelines, however, financial firms have been able to use the resources and credibility of academia to shape the political debate.

          The Chicago Mercantile Exchange and the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, for example, at times blur the line between research and public relations.

          The exchange's public relations staff has helped Mr. Irwin shop his pro-speculation essays to newspaper op-ed pages, according to emails reviewed by The Times. His studies, writings, videotaped speeches and interviews have been displayed on the exchange's website and its online magazine.

          In June 2009, when a Senate subcommittee released a report about speculation in the wheat market that raised concerns about new regulations, executives at the Chicago exchange turned to Mr. Irwin and his University of Illinois colleagues to come up with a response.

          Dr. Paul Ellinger, department head of agriculture and consumer economics, said, "The interactions that have occurred here are common among researchers."

          A spokesman for the exchange said that Mr. Irwin was just one of a "large and growing pool of esteemed academics, governmental editors and editors in the mainstream press" whose work it follows and posts on its various publications. While the C.M.E. has given more than $1.4 million to the University of Illinois since 2008, most has gone to the business school and none to the School of Agriculture and Consumer Economics, where Mr. Irwin teaches. And when Mr. Irwin asked the exchange's foundation for $25,000 several years ago to sponsor a website he runs to inform farmers about agricultural conditions and regulations, his request was denied.

          Still, some of Mr. Irwin's recent research has been funded by major players in the commodities world. Last year, he was paid $50,000 as a consultant for Gresham Investment Management in Chicago, which manages $16 billion and runs its own commodities index fund. He noted Gresham's sponsorship in the paper and on his disclosure form, and said it gave him the opportunity to use new data and test new hypotheses.

          Mr. Irwin also works for a business called Yieldcast that caters to agricultural producers, investments banks and other speculators, selling them predictions of corn and soybean yields. Mr. Irwin has said he does not consider it a conflict because he works only with the mathematical forecasting models and never consults with clients.

          "The debate about financialization is primarily about the large index funds, none of whom are clients," he said.

          Mr. Irwin declined to provide a list of his clients, and the university said its disclosure requirements did not compel him to do so.

          This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

          Correction: December 31, 2013

          An article on Saturday about financial rewards from Wall Street to academic experts whose research supports the financial community's views on commodity trading misidentified a Canadian bank and commodities trader that financed the work of academic researchers or paid consultants. It is the Royal Bank of Canada, not the Bank of Canada, which is that nation's central bank. The article also rendered incorrectly the university affiliation of Scott H. Irwin, a prominent defender of speculation in agricultural markets. He is a professor at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign - not Champaign-Urbana. And a picture caption with the continuation of the article misidentified the subject of one of several pictures. The lower right photograph showed the atrium of the University of Illinois's business school - not its Market Information Lab, which was shown behind Professor Irwin in the photograph at the left.

          Response from the academic criminal: Streetwise Professor

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          [Jun 15, 2015] What Assumptions Matter for Growth Theory

          Jun 15, 2015 | Economist's View
          Dietz Vollrath explains the "mathiness" debate (and also Euler's theorem in a part of the post I left out). Glad he's interpreting Romer -- it's very helpful:
          What Assumptions Matter for Growth Theory?: The whole "mathiness" debate that Paul Romer started tumbled onwards this week... I was able to get a little clarity in this whole "price-taking" versus "market power" part of the debate. I'll circle back to the actual "mathiness" issue at the end of the post.
          There are really two questions we are dealing with here. First, do inputs to production earn their marginal product? Second, do the owners of non-rival ideas have market power or not? We can answer the first without having to answer the second.
          Just to refresh, a production function tells us that output is determined by some combination of non-rival inputs and rival inputs.
          • Non-rival inputs are things like ideas that can be used by many firms or people at once without limiting the use by others. Think of blueprints.
          • Rival inputs are things that can only be used by one person or firm at a time. Think of nails.
          • The income earned by both rival and non-rival inputs has to add up to total output.
          Okay, given all that setup, here are three statements that could be true.
          1. Output is constant returns to scale in rival inputs
          2. Non-rival inputs receive some portion of output
          3. Rival inputs receive output equal to their marginal product
          Pick two.
          Romer's argument is that (1) and (2) are true. (1) he asserts through replication arguments, like my example of replicating Earth. (2) he takes as an empirical fact. Therefore, (3) cannot be true. If the owners of non-rival inputs are compensated in any way, then it is necessarily true that rival inputs earn less than their marginal product.

          Notice that I don't need to say anything about how the non-rival inputs are compensated here. But if they earn anything, then from Romer's assumptions the rival inputs cannot be earning their marginal product.

          Different authors have made different choices than Romer. McGrattan and Prescott abandoned (1) in favor of (2) and (3). Boldrin and Levine dropped (2) and accepted (1) and (3). Romer's issue with these papers is that (1) and (2) are clearly true, so writing down a model that abandons one of these assumptions gives you a model that makes no sense in describing growth. ...
          The "mathiness" comes from authors trying to elide the fact that they are abandoning (1) or (2). ...

          [There's a lot more in the full post. Also, Romer comments on Vollrath here.]

          Paine

          Excellent

          Lots of conclusions are per determined by simple assumptions like constant returns to scale

          If by scale we mean replication of the existing production system on a larger scale

          Where say we triple every plant and highway etc

          The model nicely captures the reality of a static production system
          Where all factors are expandable even if at a cost

          This is a very narrow notion of scale effects

          If for example markets for oust expand and a different technique is optimal
          Then there's a dynamic transition
          Where residuals emerge.

          anne -> Paine ...

          I assume this is the reference which the writer is too inconsiderate to mention:

          http://worthwhile.typepad.com/worthwhile_canadian_initi/2015/06/are-ideas-really-non-rival.html

          June 13, 2015

          Are ideas really non-rival?
          By Nick Rowe

          Paine -> anne...

          Rowe thinks he is making a great joke

          But in actuality there is nothing but assertion of various hypothetical entities behind the entire neo classical construct

          No matter how carefully these atoms are defined they remain figments

          That one can conjure like epicycles

          Example

          Advertising Is a production factor -- Once we move away from he material basis of production lots of spirits dance in the air around us

          Once a non rival good has been discovered or invented or created etc it's cost to replicate is nearly zero

          To lay the bulk of profits at its feet is ridiculous of course. But intellectual property none the less is a growing means of exploitation...

          Paine -> Paine ...

          My definition of non rival is wrong of course. The meaning of non rival is castlessly inexhaustible

          Nothing fits this description exactly. And almost is as bad as not at all.

          Non rival -- Example of belief in the divinity of Jesus. I can believe as much whether you believe or not

          anne -> Paine ...

          All exchange value flows from labor time. Even if in complex patterns easily mystified by simple definitions. Of imaginary objects like non-rival production factors

          [ I understand and am pleased. ]

          Sandwichman said...

          Four-fifths of the "Economy" is a Complete Waste of Time

          "There are really two questions we are dealing with here. First, do inputs to production earn their marginal product? Second, do the owners of non-rival ideas have market power or not?" -- Dietz Vollrath "What Assumptions Matter for Growth Theory?"

          "Dietz Vollrath has a new post that goes a long way toward clarifying the battle lines in the fight over the foundations of growth theory." -- Paul Romer, "The Assumptions in Growth Theory"

          Huh? These fellows omit the main assumption, the analogy -- "growth is a concept whose proper domicile is the study of organic units..." (Kuznets, 1947). Kuznets cited with approval Sidney Hook's discussion of the dangers of the use of this analogy.

          "As an argument it is formally worthless and never logically compelling. An argument from analogy can be countered usually with another argument from analogy which leads to a diametrically opposed conclusion.... The belief that society is an organism is an old but fanciful notion. It can only be seriously entertained by closing the eye to all the respects in which a group of separate individuals differs from a system of connected cells, and by violently redefining terms like 'birth,' 'reproduction,' and 'death.'"

          Growth "theory" gets around this objection to the uncritical use of analogy by ignoring it -- by 'closing the eye' to explicit caveats in the seminal contribution to the measurement of growth. Let's pretend that the economy really is an organism that grows perpetually but never dies.

          Name one.

          Carry on, growth theorists.


          anne -> Sandwichman...

          http://econospeak.blogspot.com/2015/06/the-chimerical-analogies-of-growth-and.html

          June 6, 2015

          The Chimerical Analogies of Growth and Distribution


          http://econospeak.blogspot.com/2015/06/four-fifths-of-economy-is-complete.html

          June 14, 2015

          Four-fifths of the "Economy" is a Complete Waste of Time

          -- Sandwichman

          Sandwichman -> Sandwichman...

          1. "growth is a concept whose proper domicile is the study of organic units..."

          2. "The belief that society is an organism is an old but fanciful notion."

          3. ?

          4. Growth!

          Sandwichman -> anne...

          "the meaning of per capita growth in China over these last 38 years of 8.6% yearly"

          It means, literally, that if you ate one bowl of rice for dinner in 1977, in 2015 you would eat 23 bowls of rice for dinner. Of course it doesn't *really* mean that. The "measurement" is actually a figure of speech.

          Figuratively, it means something more like: many more Chinese own cars today than 38 years ago and those cars are worth hundreds of times what the old bicycle was worth. Never mind that the car is used to commute to work, that it takes as long to drive to work through congested traffic as it once did to ride a bike to work and that the air is unbreathable so it would be suicide to go back to riding a bike.

          Still, growing 8.6% per year for 38 years is a prodigious achievement even if we don't know what it means.

          Sandwichman -> anne...

          A large part of that gain in life expectancy is attributable to an enormous decline in infant mortality. Expenditures on improved infant health care would be only a miniscule portion of the total economic growth.

          When I say "prodigious" I mean remarkable or immense without attaching any value judgement about whether it is a good or a bad thing. There have obviously been some good things associated with that growth -- see infant mortality. There has also been an explosion of GHG emissions. If 2/3 of that growth was good things (reduced infant mortality, improved nutrition etc.) and 1/3 bad things (police surveillance, cost of commuting to work, etc.) then China would have been better off with a 6% growth rate.

          Can't we just forget about the confounded aggregate and get on with promoting the good? No, apparently not. Two pieces of pie is better than one if it's cherry pie but not if it's "dirt" pie.

          anne -> Sandwichman...

          Can't we just forget about the confounded aggregate and get on with promoting the good?

          [ Surely so, but if a part of the good is life span, well, that of India is 66 years which shows how far China has come and I really do know of the problems. ]

          anne -> Sandwichman...

          Again, I am waiting for an explanation of or a description showing what the past 38 years of per capita growth in China represent. What does the past 38 years of astonishing gains in Chinese productivity represent and how to depict these gains?

          Paine -> anne...

          We need a welfare index. And that greatly increases the degree of difficulty over a simple output index

          Sandwichman -> Paine ...

          "If the GDP is Up, Why is America Down?" Clifford Cobb, Ted Halstead, and Jonathan Rowe, The Atlantic, 1995.

          http://www.theatlantic.com/past/politics/ecbig/gdp.htm

          And do you know what the overwhelming response of economists was to that article? "Nothing new here." "We know GDP is not a measure of welfare. But it's useful because it tells us about the capacity to produce goods that could enhance welfare."

          Or to paraphrase Orwell, "If this boot wasn't stamping on your face, you could put it on your foot and it would keep your toes warm -- FOREVER!" Paul Samuelson's version, "Evaluation of Real National Income":

          "Production possibilities as such have no normative connotations. We are interested in them for the light they throw on utility-possibilities. This is why economists have wanted to include such wasteful output as war goods in their calculations of national product; presumably they serve as some kind of an index of the useful things that might be produced in better times."

          I repeat, NO NORMATIVE CONNOTATIONS. What part of "no" do people not understand? It's neither good nor bad that the economy ACTUALLY produces wasteful output.

          The amount of wasteful output "serves as an index" for the amount of useful output that could be produced if the economy wasn't producing wasteful output.

          anne -> Sandwichman...

          http://econospeak.blogspot.com/2015/06/some-kind-of-index-no-normative.html

          June 14, 2015

          Some Kind of an Index -- No Normative Connotations

          -- Sandwichman

          Julio -> Sandwichman...

          A question for you folks in this subthread:

          "In a perfect free market world where the price mechanism adjusts production to our wishes and all externalities are priced in, GDP measures economic happiness."

          Proposition: That myth underlies our world.

          Conclusion: In our world, "GDP is not correlated to happiness" is, therefore, a subversive statement.

          Is this sensible, and if so, does it make alternative measures of economic well-being difficult to construct?

          Julio -> Sandwichman...

          Aggregate is not the same as average.

          The "prices as the driver" argument is that you will buy a yellow car and I a green one, and Detroit will make just enough of each, and that's the closest we'll ever come to an economy that reflects our wishes, and that's in turn the closest we'll ever come to (economic) happiness.

          But this may be an aside: is your point that a "welfare index", as paine proposes, is unrealistic and so irrelevant?

          We could measure economic decisions by using economics as far as it takes us to evaluate their consequences, and then using our moral compass to do the measuring.

          A more ad-hoc method which, for our collective decisions, has political pitfalls; but politics is the appropriate forum for those fights. We would no longer know (or care) what "progress" is, as a national aggregate.

          Sandwichman -> Julio...

          "is your point that a "welfare index", as paine proposes, is unrealistic and so irrelevant?"

          No, it's not entirely unrealistic and irrelevant but it IS very limited and, like GDP subject to misinterpretation as more substantive than it is.

          The thing about GDP that won't be gotten away from is that it does provide information that is useful for projecting revenues for business and for government.

          A welfare index wouldn't do that. You can tax income but you can't tax happiness -- at least not literally.

          anne -> Sandwichman...

          The measurement of economic well-being is inherently difficult (impossible) because it involves the aggregation of subjective judgments....

          [ Agreed. ]

          anne -> Sandwichman...

          The sort of growth-happiness surveying referred to is to my mind no more than pseudo research. As empirical as bumble bees.

          Sandwichman -> anne...

          anne, I tend to agree with your skepticism about happiness surveying. However, I have also worked on so-called real survey research -- Canadian census. If you saw how the sausage was made...

          [May 28, 2015] New Jersey Faces a Transportation Funding Crisis, With No Clear Solution

          Notable quotes:
          "... SECAUCUS, N.J. - Bridges across the state are falling apart. Roads are rife with potholes. Frustrated New Jersey Transit riders are facing another fare increase. ..."
          "... Whatever happens with the gas tax, many New Jerseyans soon will be paying more to get to work. New Jersey Transit has proposed raising fares by about 9 percent for its 915,000 daily riders, and an increase of some amount is all but certain. Federal and state subsidies as a share of the agency's annual budget have been falling, and that has left it increasingly reliant on fares to cover costs, even as many passengers say service is slipping. ..."
          "... The agency has proposed raising fares by about 9 percent for its 915,000 daily riders. ..."
          "... Marianne Sailer, of Wood-Ridge, who works as a property manager in Manhattan, said she could not afford higher fares because she had not received a raise in three years. ..."
          "... Officials across the country are wrestling with how to pay for big transportation projects in an era of less federal funding. Nowhere is the problem more pronounced than in the transit-dependent Northeast. ..."
          May 28, 2015 | NYTimes.com

          SECAUCUS, N.J. - Bridges across the state are falling apart. Roads are rife with potholes. Frustrated New Jersey Transit riders are facing another fare increase.

          As many commuters bemoan the mounting delays and disruptions, state officials say New Jersey is confronting a transportation funding crisis with no easy way out. Voters are so fed up, support is growing for a revenue option long viewed as politically untenable: raising the state's gas tax, which is the second lowest in the country.

          Whatever happens with the gas tax, many New Jerseyans soon will be paying more to get to work. New Jersey Transit has proposed raising fares by about 9 percent for its 915,000 daily riders, and an increase of some amount is all but certain. Federal and state subsidies as a share of the agency's annual budget have been falling, and that has left it increasingly reliant on fares to cover costs, even as many passengers say service is slipping.

          Here at one of the busiest rail hubs in the state, the exasperation was evident, in interviews with people headed home, and in the pointed testimony of commuters who turned out last week for a public hearing on the proposed fare increase.

          Passengers waiting for New Jersey Transit trains at Pennsylvania Station in Manhattan. The agency has proposed raising fares by about 9 percent for its 915,000 daily riders. Credit Richard Perry/The New York Times

          Marianne Sailer, of Wood-Ridge, who works as a property manager in Manhattan, said she could not afford higher fares because she had not received a raise in three years.

          "Any increase would be devastating to my family," Ms. Sailer told officials. "The service does not warrant an increase – filthy cars, constantly late."

          Gov. Chris Christie, a Republican, has said little in recent months about roads and transit even as his own transportation commissioner, Jamie Fox, has forcefully called for revenue for the state's depleted transportation trust fund. Despite the governor's relative silence, the troubles of the state's transportation agencies have emerged as a grinding issue for him, including the scandal involving his appointees to the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey and the growing backlash over his decision to halt construction of a new rail tunnel under the Hudson River.

          Officials across the country are wrestling with how to pay for big transportation projects in an era of less federal funding. Nowhere is the problem more pronounced than in the transit-dependent Northeast.

          In Connecticut, Gov. Dannel P. Malloy, a Democrat, is trying to marshal an infrastructure plan that would invest $100 billion over 30 years for roadways and mass transit. In New York, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, has championed the replacement Tappan Zee Bridge across the Hudson between Rockland and Westchester Counties, even as he faces questions over paying for the crossing's projected $3.9 billion cost and for the Metropolitan Transportation Authority's $32 billion capital plan.

          Here in New Jersey, Mr. Fox has been sounding the alarm over the state's aging infrastructure for months. He shut down a bridge in Franklin Township in Somerset County in January and has partially closed other bridges for emergency repairs.

          "Our bridges and roads are old, crumbling and getting worse every day," Mr. Fox told state lawmakers in April. "We can no longer kick the can down the road."

          The transportation trust fund is financed through next summer with about $1.1 billion planned for project costs, according to the state treasurer. Mr. Fox said the fund would be broke after that.

          Many blame Mr. Christie and his presidential ambitions for the lack of action this year on a long-term funding solution. Democratic leaders in the state have expressed support for raising the gas tax.

          "Since the governor appears to intend to run for president, raising taxes of any kind is problematic, to put it mildly," said David P. Redlawsk, a political science professor at Rutgers University.

          Gov. Chris Christie has said little in recent months about roads and transit, even as his own transportation commissioner has called for revenue for the state's depleted transportation trust fund. Credit Dominick Reuter/Reuters

          Mr. Christie's pledges not to raise taxes might win favor with Republicans in a presidential primary, but his stance on transportation funding has opened him to criticism at home with business groups. They say the state's poor infrastructure has hurt its competitiveness with other states.

          A poll last month by Quinnipiac University found that attitudes among New Jersey voters were changing: 50 percent would support an increase in the gas tax to pay for road improvements and mass transit, up from 35 percent in 2010. The state's gas tax is generally referred to as 14.5 cents per gallon, which includes a 10.5-cent motor fuels tax that has not increased since 1988 and a 4-cent petroleum products tax first approved in 1990.

          Efforts by Mr. Fox and others to highlight the problem have had an effect, but raising the gas tax could still be a difficult sell, Dr. Redlawsk said.

          "It's penetrating people's awareness about how bad the infrastructure is," he said, "but that competes with their visceral dislike of any increase in taxes."

          At the fare hearing, riders said the proposed increase, planned for the fall, felt like a tax increase for those who rely on mass transit and could least afford it. The last increase came five years ago when fares were raised by up to 25 percent.

          New Jersey Transit has become more dependent on fares: They currently cover 47 percent of the budget, up from 40 percent a decade ago, said Nancy Snyder, a spokeswoman for the agency. It has a budget shortfall because of rising costs, officials said, despite plans to increase state support by $22.1 million for the 2016 fiscal year.

          Mr. Fox, who is in his second stint as the state's transportation commissioner, having served in 2002 under Gov. James E. McGreevey, a Democrat, said in an interview that he would prefer to invest more in mass transit to keep fares lower.

          "No one likes to raise fares because you want to get more people on mass transit and out of cars," Mr. Fox said. "It tends to hurt the lower income folks more so you don't want to do that. But at the same time, you need to be realistic and realize that you have to have money to keep the trains running."

          Asked whether it had been frustrating to return to the post without the support so far to increase transportation funding, Mr. Fox said the issue had not been addressed for 25 years.

          "If it were easy, it would have been done already," he said, adding: "I'm not frustrated by it. It's one of the reasons I wanted to come back."

          [May 21, 2015]Consistent With

          May 21, 2015 | Economist's View
          Chris Dillow:
          "Consistent with": ...Peter Dorman criticizes economists' habit of declaring a theory successful merely because it is "consistent with" the evidence. His point deserves emphasis. ...
          This is a point which some defenders of inequality miss. Of course, you can devise theories which are "consistent with" inequality arising from reasonable differences in choices and marginal products. Such theories, though, beg the question: is that how inequality really emerged?... And the answer, to put it mildly, is: only partially. It also arose from luck, inefficient selection, rigged markets, rent-seeking and outright theft. ...
          Quite often, the facts are consistent with either theory. For example, the well-attested momentum anomaly - the tendency for assets that have risen in price recently to continue rising - is "consistent with" both a cognitive bias (under-reaction) and with rational behaviour; fund managers' desire to avoid benchmark risk.
          My point here should be well-known. The Duhem-Quine thesis warns us that facts under-determine theory: they are "consistent with" multiple theories. ...
          So, how can we guard against the "consistent with" error? One thing we need is history: this helps tell us how things actually happened. And - horrific as it might seem to some economists - we also need sociology: we need to know how people actually behave and not merely that their behaviour is "consistent with" some theory. Economics, then, cannot be a stand-alone discipline but part of the social sciences and humanities...

          [May 13, 2015] What is neoliberalism

          "...Neoliberalism is a small-state economic ideology based on promoting "rational self-interest" through policies such as privatisation, deregulation, globalisation and tax cuts."
          "...Neoliberalism is certainly a form of free-market neoclassical economic theory, but it quite difficult to pin down further than that, especially since neoliberal governments and economists carefully avoid referring to themselves as neoliberals and the mainstream media seem to avoid using the word at all costs (think about the last time you saw a BBC or CNN news reporter use the word "neoliberal" to describe the IMF or a particularly right-wing government policy)."
          "...The economic model that the word "neoliberalism" was coined to describe was developed by Chicago school economists in the 1960s and 1970s based upon Austrian neoclassical economic theories, but heavily influenced by Ayn Rand's barmy pseudo-philosophy of Übermenschen and greed-worship. "
          "...One of the most transparent of these neoliberal justification narratives is the one that I describe as the Great Neoliberal Lie: The fallacious and utterly misleading argument that the global economic crisis (credit crunch) was caused by excessive state spending, rather than by the reckless gambling of the deregulated, neoliberalised financial sector. "
          "...one of the main problems with the concept of "neoliberalism" is the nebulousness of the definition. It is like a form of libertarianism, however it completely neglects the fundamental libertarian idea of non-aggression. In fact, it is so closely related to that other (highly aggressive) US born political ideology of Neo-Conservatism that many people get the two concepts muddled up. A true libertarian would never approve of vast taxpayer funded military budgets, the waging of imperialist wars of aggression nor the wanton destruction of the environment in pursuit of profit. "
          anotherangryvoice.blogspot.com

          Neoliberalism is a very important, yet often misunderstood concept. To give a short, oversimplified definition: Neoliberalism is a small-state economic ideology based on promoting "rational self-interest" through policies such as privatisation, deregulation, globalisation and tax cuts.

          People often boggle at the use of the word "neoliberal" as if the utterer were some kind of crazed tinfoil hat wearing conspiracy theorist raving about insane lizard-man conspiracies, rather than someone attempting to concisely define the global economic orthodoxy of the last three decades or so.

          One of the main problems we encounter when discussing neoliberalism is the haziness of the definition. Neoliberalism is certainly a form of free-market neoclassical economic theory, but it quite difficult to pin down further than that, especially since neoliberal governments and economists carefully avoid referring to themselves as neoliberals and the mainstream media seem to avoid using the word at all costs (think about the last time you saw a BBC or CNN news reporter use the word "neoliberal" to describe the IMF or a particularly right-wing government policy).

          The economic model that the word "neoliberalism" was coined to describe was developed by Chicago school economists in the 1960s and 1970s based upon Austrian neoclassical economic theories, but heavily influenced by Ayn Rand's barmy pseudo-philosophy of Übermenschen and greed-worship.

          The first experiment in applied neoliberal theory began on September 11th 1973 in Chile, when a US backed military coup resulted in the death of social-democratic leader Salvador Allende and his replacement with the brutal military dictator General Pinochet (Margaret Thatcher's friend and idol).

          Thousands of people were murdered by the Pinochet regime for political reasons and tens of thousands more were tortured as Pinochet and the "Chicago boys" set about implementing neoliberal economic reforms and brutally suppressing anyone that stood in their way. The US financially doped the Chilean economy in order to create the impression that these rabid-right wing reforms were successful. After the "success" of the Chilean neoliberal experiment, the instillation and economic support of right-wing military dictatorships to impose neoliberal economic reforms became unofficial US foreign policy.

          The first of the democratically elected neoliberals were Margaret Thatcher in the UK and Ronald Reagan in the US. They both set about introducing ideologically driven neoliberal reforms, such as the complete withdrawal of capital controls by Tory Chancellor Geoffrey Howe and the deregulation of the US financial markets that led to vast corruption scandals like Enron and the global financial sector insolvency crisis of 2007-08.

          By 1989 the ideology of neoliberalism was enshrined as the economic orthodoxy of the world as undemocratic Washington based institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the US Treasury Department signed up to a ten point economic plan which was riddled with neoliberal ideology such as trade liberalisation, privatisation, financial sector deregulation and tax cuts for the wealthy. This agreement between anti-democratic organisations is misleadingly referred to as "The Washington Consensus".

          These days, the IMF is the most high profile pusher of neoliberal economic policies. Their strategy involves applying strict "structural adjustment" conditions on their loans. These conditions are invariably neoliberal reforms such as privatisation of utilities, services and government owned industries, tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy, the abandonment of capital controls, the removal of democratic controls over central banks and monetary policy and the deregulation of financial industries.

          Neoliberal economic policies have created economic disaster after economic disaster, virtually wherever they have been tried out. Some of the most high profile examples include:

          South Africa: When the racist Apartheid system was finally overthrown in 1994, the new ANC government embraced neoliberal economic theory and set about privatising virtually everything, cutting taxes for the wealthy, destroying capital controls and deregulating their financial sector. After 18 years of neoliberal government, more black South Africans are living in extreme poverty, more people are unemployed and South Africa is an even more unequal society than it was under the racist Apartheid regime. Between 1994 and 2006 the number of South Africans living on less than $1 a day doubled from 2 million to 4 million, by 2002, eight years after the end of Apartheid 2002 the unemployment rate for black South Africans had risen to 48%.*
          Russia: After the fall of communism, neoliberal economists flooded into Russia to create their free-market utopia, however all they managed to do was massively increase levels of absolute poverty, reduce productivity and create a few dozen absurdly wealthy oligarchs who siphoned their $trillions out of Russia to "invest" in vanity projects such as Chelsea FC. Within less than a decade of being one of the world's two great super-powers, the neoliberal revolution resulted in Russia defaulting on their debts in 1998.

          Argentina: Praised as the poster-boys of neoliberalism by the IMF in the 1990s for the speed and scale of their neoliberal reforms, the Argentine economy collapsed into chaos between 1999-2002, only recovering after Argentina defaulted on their debts and prioritised repayment of their IMF loans, which allowed them to tear up the IMF book of neoliberal dogma and begin implementing an investment based growth strategy which boosted the Argentine economy out of their prolonged recession. The late Argentine President Néstor Kirchner famously stated that the IMF had "transformed itself from being a lender for development to a creditor demanding privileges".

          The Eurozone: The right-wing love to drivel on about how the EU is a "leftie" organisation, but the unelected technocrats that run the EU (the European commission and the European Central Bank) are fully signed up to the neoliberal economic orthodoxy, where economic interests are separated from democratic control. Take the economic crisis in Greece: The EC and the ECB lined up with the neoliberal pushing IMF to force hard line neoliberal reforms onto the Greek economy in return for vast multi-billion "bailouts" that flowed directly out of Greece to "bail out" their reckless creditors (mainly German and French banks). When the neoliberalisation reforms resulted in further economic contraction, rising unemployment and worsening economic conditions the ECB, EC, IMF troika simply removed the democratic Greek government and appointed their own stooge, an economic coup trick they also carried out in Italy. Spain and Ireland are other cracking examples of neoliberal failure in the Eurozone. These two nations were more fiscally responsible than Germany, France or the UK in terms of government borrowing before the neoliberal economic meltdown, however their deregulated financial sectors inflated absurd property bubbles, leaving the Irish and Spanish economies in ruins once the bubbles burst around 2007-08.

          The United Kingdom: Here is a short article summarising how three decades of neoliberal policy have undone many of the gains made during the mixed-economy era.
          Despite this litany of economic failures, neoliberalism remains the global economic orthodoxy. Just like any good pseudo-scientific or religious orthodoxy the supporters of neoliberal theory always manage to come up with a load of post-hoc rationalisations for the failure of their theories and the solutions they present for the crises their own theories induced are always based upon the implementation of even more fundamentalist neoliberal policies.

          One of the most transparent of these neoliberal justification narratives is the one that I describe as the Great Neoliberal Lie: The fallacious and utterly misleading argument that the global economic crisis (credit crunch) was caused by excessive state spending, rather than by the reckless gambling of the deregulated, neoliberalised financial sector.

          Just as with other pseudo-scientific theories and fundamentalist ideologies, the excuse that "we just weren't fundamentalist enough last time" is always there. The neoliberal pushers of the establishment know that pure free-market economies are as much of an absurd fairytale as 100% pure communist economies, however they keep pushing for further privatisations, tax cuts for the rich, wage repression for the ordinary, and reckless financial sector deregulations precicely because they are the direct beneficiaries of these policies. Take the constantly widening wealth gap in the UK throughout three decades of neoliberal policy. The minority of beneficiaries from this ever widening wealth gap are the business classes, financial sector workers, the mainstream media elite and the political classes. It is no wonder at all that these people think neoliberalism is a successful ideology. Within their bubbles of wealth and privilege it has been. To everyone else it has been an absolute disaster.

          Returning to a point I raised earlier in the article; one of the main problems with the concept of "neoliberalism" is the nebulousness of the definition. It is like a form of libertarianism, however it completely neglects the fundamental libertarian idea of non-aggression. In fact, it is so closely related to that other (highly aggressive) US born political ideology of Neo-Conservatism that many people get the two concepts muddled up. A true libertarian would never approve of vast taxpayer funded military budgets, the waging of imperialist wars of aggression nor the wanton destruction of the environment in pursuit of profit.

          Another concept that is closely related to neoliberalism is the ideology of minarchism (small stateism), however the neoliberal brigade seem perfectly happy to ignore the small-state ideology when it suits their personal interests. Take the vast banker bailouts (the biggest state subsidies in human history) that were needed to save the neoliberalised global financial sector from the consequences of their own reckless gambling, the exponential growth of the parasitic corporate outsourcing sector (corporations that make virtually 100% of their turnover from the state) and the ludicrous housing subsidies (such as "Help to Buy and Housing Benefits) that have fueled the reinflation of yet another property Ponzi bubble.

          The Godfather of neoliberalism was Milton Friedman. He made the case that illegal drugs should be legalised in order to create a free-market drug trade, which is one of the very few things I agreed with him about. However this is politically inconvenient (because the illegal drug market is a vital source of financial sector liquidity) so unlike so many of his neoliberal ideas that have consistently failed, yet remain incredibly popular with the wealthy elite, Friedman's libertarian drug legalisation proposals have never even been tried out.

          The fact that neoliberals are so often prepared to ignore the fundamental principles of libertarianism (the non-aggression principle, drug legalisation, individual freedoms, the right to peaceful protest ...) and abuse the fundamental principles of small state minarchism (vast taxpayer funded bailouts for their financial sector friends, £billions in taxpayer funded outsourcing contracts, alcohol price fixing schemes) demonstrate that neoliberalism is actually more like Ayn Rand's barmy (greed is the only virtue, all other "virtues" are aberrations) pseudo-philosophical ideology of objectivism than a set of formal economic theories.

          The result of neoliberal economic theories has been proven time and again. Countries that embrace the neoliberal pseudo-economic ideology end up with "crony capitalism", where the poor and ordinary suffer "austerity", wage repression, revocation of labour rights and the right to protest, whilst a tiny cabal of corporate interests and establishment insiders enrich themselves via anti-competitive practices, outright criminality and corruption and vast socialism-for-the-rich schemes.

          Neoliberal fanatics in powerful positions have demonstrated time and again that they will willingly ditch their right-wing libertarian and minarchist "principles" if those principles happen to conflict with their own personal self-interest. Neoliberalism is less of a formal set of economic theories than an error strewn obfuscation narrative to promote the economic interests, and justify the personal greed of the wealthy, self-serving establishment elite.

          Another Angry Voice is a not-for-profit page which generates absolutely no revenue from advertising and accepts no money from corporate or political interests. The only source of revenue for Another Angry Voice is the PayPal donations box (which can be found in the right hand column, fairly near the top of the page). If you could afford to make a donation to help keep this site going, it would be massively appreciated.

          [May 13, 2015] Henry Giroux On the Rise of Neoliberalism As a Political Ideology

          A very important article. Should be read in full. Large quote below does not cover all the content of the article.
          Oct 19, 2014 : truth-out.org

          "There is a lack of critical assessment of the past. But you have to understand that the current ruling elite is actually the old ruling elite. So they are incapable of a self-critical approach to the past."

          Ryszard Kapuscinski

          Are they incapable, or merely unwilling? That is the credibility trap, the inability to address the key problems because the ruling elite must risk or even undermine their own undeserved power to do so.

          I think this interview below highlights the false dichotomy between communism and free market capitalism that was created in the 1980's largely by Thatcher's and Reagan's handlers. The dichotomy was more properly between communist government and democracy, of the primacy of the individual over the primacy of the organization and the state as embodied in fascism and the real world implementations of communism in Russia and China.

          But we never think of it that way any more, if at all. It is one of the greatest public relation coups in history. One form of organizational oppression by the Russian nomenklatura was replaced by the oppression by the oligarchs and their Corporations, in the name of freedom.

          Free market capitalism, under the banner of the efficient markets hypothesis, has taken the place of democratic ideals as the primary good as embodied in the original framing of the Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution.

          It is no accident that the individual and their concerns have become subordinated to the corporate welfare and the profits of the upper one percent. We even see this in religion with the 'gospel of prosperity.' In their delusion they make friends of the mammon of unrighteousness, so that after they may be received into their everlasting habitations.

          The market as the highest good has stood on the shoulders of the 'greed is good' philosophy promulgated by the pied pipers of the me generation, and has turned the Western democracies on their heads, as a series of political leaders have capitulated to this false idol of money as the measure of all things, and all virtue.

          Policy is now crafted to maximize profits as an end to itself without regard to the overall impact on freedom and the public good. It measures 'costs' in the most narrow and biased of terms, and allocated wealth based on the subversion of good sense to false economy theories.

          Greed is a portion of the will to power. And that madness serves none but itself.

          This is a brief excerpt. You may read the entire interview here.

          Henry Giroux on the Rise of Neoliberalism
          19 October 2014
          By Michael Nevradakis, Truthout

          "...We're talking about an ideology marked by the selling off of public goods to private interests; the attack on social provisions; the rise of the corporate state organized around privatization, free trade, and deregulation; the celebration of self interests over social needs; the celebration of profit-making as the essence of democracy coupled with the utterly reductionist notion that consumption is the only applicable form of citizenship.

          But even more than that, it upholds the notion that the market serves as a model for structuring all social relations: not just the economy, but the governing of all of social life...

          That's a key issue. I mean, this is a particular political and economic and social project that not only consolidates class power in the hands of the one percent, but operates off the assumption that economics can divorce itself from social costs, that it doesn't have to deal with matters of ethical and social responsibility, that these things get in the way.

          And I think the consequences of these policies across the globe have caused massive suffering, misery, and the spread of a massive inequalities in wealth, power, and income. Moreover, increasingly, we are witnessing a number of people who are committing suicide because they have lost their pensions, jobs and dignity.

          We see the attack on the welfare state; we see the privatization of public services, the dismantling of the connection between private issues and public problems, the selling off of state functions, deregulations, an unchecked emphasis on self-interest, the refusal to tax the rich, and really the redistribution of wealth from the middle and working classes to the ruling class, the elite class, what the Occupy movement called the one percent. It really has created a very bleak emotional and economic landscape for the 99 percent of the population throughout the world."

          "This is a particular political and economic and social project that not only consolidates class power in the hands of the one percent, but operates off the assumption that economics can divorce itself from social costs, that it doesn't have to deal with matters of ethical and social responsibility."
          I think that as a mode of governance, it is really quite dreadful because it tends to produce identities, subjects and ways of life driven by a kind of "survival of the fittest" ethic, grounded in the notion of the free, possessive individual and committed to the right of individual and ruling groups to accrue wealth removed from matters of ethics and social cost.

          That's a key issue. I mean, this is a particular political and economic and social project that not only consolidates class power in the hands of the one percent, but operates off the assumption that economics can divorce itself from social costs, that it doesn't have to deal with matters of ethical and social responsibility, that these things get in the way. And I think the consequences of these policies across the globe have caused massive suffering, misery, and the spread of a massive inequalities in wealth, power, and income. Moreover, increasingly, we are witnessing a number of people who are committing suicide because they have lost their pensions, jobs and dignity. We see the attack on the welfare state; we see the privatization of public services, the dismantling of the connection between private issues and public problems, the selling off of state functions, deregulations, an unchecked emphasis on self-interest, the refusal to tax the rich, and really the redistribution of wealth from the middle and working classes to the ruling class, the elite class, what the Occupy movement called the one percent. It really has created a very bleak emotional and economic landscape for the 99 percent of the population throughout the world.

          And having mentioned this impact on the social state and the 99%, would you go as far as to say that these ideologies have been the direct cause of the economic crisis the world is presently experiencing?

          Oh, absolutely. I think when you look at the crisis in 2007, what are you looking at? You're looking at the merging of unchecked financial power and a pathological notion of greed that implemented banking policies and deregulated the financial world and allowed the financial elite, the one percent, to pursue a series of policies, particularly the selling of junk bonds and the illegality of what we call subprime mortgages to people who couldn't pay for them. This created a bubble and it exploded. This is directly related to the assumption that the market should drive all aspects of political, economic, and social life and that the ruling elite can exercise their ruthless power and financial tools in ways that defy accountability. And what we saw is that it failed, and it not only failed, but it caused an enormous amount of cruelty and hardship across the world. More importantly, it emerged from the crisis not only entirely unapologetic about what it did, but reinvented itself, particularly in the United States under the Rubin boys along with Larry Summers and others, by attempting to prevent any policies from being implemented that would have overturned this massively failed policy of deregulation.

          It gets worse. In the aftermath of this sordid crisis produced by the banks and financial elite, we have also learned that the feudal politics of the rich was legitimated by the false notion that they were too big to fail, an irrational conceit that gave way to the notion that they were too big to jail, which is a more realistic measure of the criminogenic/zombie culture that nourishes casino capitalism.

          [May 12, 2015]Infinity And The Bond Market Wormhole

          Zero Hedge
          The infinite loop continues.

          Central banks ease, cajole, fluff up their feathers and push markets to where they don't belong. Markets try to reprice themselves closer to normalcy (sanity). Central banks see their main equity index fall and panic. Central bank pushes more chips in and everyone has to cover. Central banks declare victory. Smart investor sells.

          It is so utterly appropriate that in the definition of infinite loop on Wiki it is pointed out that a synonym is "unproductive loop."

          Like any table stakes game, running out of wherewithal is a killer. What if the other player doesn't value the keys to your car? It certainly feels that way when debating how clever it would be to juice inflationary expectations by increasing the inflation target, which will ignite the animal spirits of the economy, even though (wink, wink) we will pull back before it becomes a problem.

          Another conceit being floated -- by the same central bankers who get night sweats thinking about the day after they raise rates some nominal amount -- is that their communication strategy has been so straight-forward and consistent that surely markets and the banks are on the same page.

          Yes, it will be a "regime change," but surely we are all seeing and evaluating the data the same way. That is code for, we don't have a clue either, but we desperately can't threaten the wealth effect of higher equity prices. This supposed wealth effect is used to celebrate (see a chart of Chinese equities) what in an alternative universe would be viewed as a bubble.

          Bonds are down because they are overpriced. They use the elevator rather than the stairs because the conceit of getting out right before it gets ugly never works unless there is massive official support, but even that is not always enough, let alone appropriate.

          The numbers out of Europe have been getting better. 1Q growth in Europe was better than in the U.S. or U.K. QE is working and the economy is building momentum. So explain to me again why 10-year rates should be negative? The EUR is up over a percent this morning. That may look nice, but that is precisely what they don't need and shouldn't want. Let the rally continue and we can dust off the negative yield talking points.

          [May 12, 2015] An Open Letter to Bill McNabb, CEO of Vanguard Group

          Economist's View
          Stephen G. Cecchetti and Kermit L. Schoenholtz (sort of a follow up on the claim that financial reform is working -- perhaps -- but as noted in the post below this one there is more to do):
          An Open Letter to Bill McNabb, CEO of Vanguard Group: Dear Mr. McNabb,
          We find your WSJ op-ed (Wednesday, May 6) misleading, short-sighted, self-serving, and very disappointing.
          Vanguard has been in the forefront of providing low-cost, reliable access to U.S. and global capital markets to millions of customers, including ourselves. Following the financial crisis of 2007-2009, the firm naturally should be a leader in promoting a more resilient financial system. Your op-ed sadly goes in the opposite direction.
          Let's start with the most stunning example: your defense of money market mutual funds. MMMFs are simply banks masquerading as professionally managed investment products. Like banks, they engage in liquidity and maturity transformation. Like banks, they faced runs in 2008 that ended only when the federal government provided a guarantee that put taxpayers at risk. Even with that guarantee, the government still had to support many healthy U.S. corporations with household names that – having previously relied on MMMF purchases of their commercial paper – suddenly faced a severe credit crunch. And, to limit a fire sale amidst the crisis, the Federal Reserve had to provide special funding to buyers to help MMMFs unload their assets.
          Unsurprisingly, fund sponsors and their clients – both creditors and borrowers – want to keep these opaque federal subsidies (especially the implicit guarantees that only become explicit and transparent in a crisis). Like them, you make the false, but popular claim that power-hungry regulators (who wish to limit the subsidies that make future crises more likely) are attacking (taxing!) Main Street instead of Wall Street.
          In fact, the investment company industry captured its primary regulator long ago, and hasn't let go. The Securities and Exchange Commission's 2014 "reform" of MMMFs is exhibit A. It almost surely makes these funds more, not less, liable to runs (see here and here). And – what a surprise – Congress seems to find protecting U.S. taxpayers from contingent liabilities (like implicit financial guarantees to your industry) less attractive than the largesse of financial lobbyists. Even the voluminous Dodd-Frank Act didn't address MMMFs! :

          After quite a bit more, they conclude with:

          As the CEO of one of the largest mutual fund companies in the world that is dedicated to serving and protecting small investors, you should be in the vanguard of advocating reforms that enhance stability.
          Instead of complaining about regulation under the guise of protecting Main Street, you should highlight the vulnerabilities in our financial system and make the case for efficient regulation that treats all activities equally. You should also promote investment vehicles that are likely to prove robust in a crisis, while warning about existing products that probably won't be.
          Only greater resilience in the system can make investors confident that capital markets here and elsewhere will remain strong. That is in Vanguard's interest, too.
          Sincerely,
          Stephen G. Cecchetti and Kermit L. Schoenholtz
          anne -> anne:

          Stephen Cecchetti and Kermit Schoenholtz are intent on undermining the most important stock and bond investment vehicle for moderately wealthy investors. Vanguard sets the finest of examples for the entire investment industry.

          pgl -> anne:

          Maybe you are being paid by Vanguard but you are wrong. You are not qualified to comment on financial economics. Stephen Cecchetti and Kermit Schoenholtz are.

          And they are not trying to undermine anyone. They are simply telling the truth. Repeat your garbage all you want but it is garbage.

          mulp -> anne:

          Anne, unless you call the FDIC bailout of the money market funds, and the Fed providing liquidity to them in 2008-9 totally wrong and you should have suffered losses in your holding in MMMF as they marketed to market (breaking the buck) and froze withdrawals until they could liquidate their holdings, or alternatively, declared bankruptcy, then you are totally bought into the free lunch economics of Friedman, Reagan, and all the bank lobbyists dependent on government handling the losses while they reap the profits.

          I remember the debate in the late 60s and early 70s on money market funds. We (the People) were assured that MMFs would never be seen as banks by any one investing in them because everyone would know the MMF would someday lose value and in the process freeze the assets for some length of time until the fund could be liquidated.

          In other words, not one person putting money in a MMF would see it as a bank that pays higher interest. More importantly, no business or corporation would ever confuse a MMF with a bank.

          In 2008, it is clear that the promises made four decades earlier to allow unsophisticated investors access money market funds without lengthy notice of intent to withdraw funds was all a lie, or a belief in tinker bell, pixie dust, and free lunches.

          The money market funds should have been left to collapse in 2008 to destroy all faith in them as safe for individuals to use, and in the process, "destroy trillions in wealth" held by tens of millions of upper middle class workers.

          I would have lost more than I did in 2008, but the demand for greater government control of the financial sector plus greater social safety nets would have followed.

          This is the first time I've seen someone besides me state that mutual funds are banks as we knew them in the 60s, except they pay nothing for the protection of FDIC and Federal Reserve membership.

          anne:

          http://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/10/your-money/fees-on-mutual-funds-fall-thank-yourself.html

          May 9, 2015

          Fees on Mutual Funds Fall. Thank Yourself.
          By JEFF SOMMER

          Wall Street is reaping mounting revenue from mutual funds and exchange-traded funds, yet investors are paying lower fees.

          That sounds like a good deal for the millions of people who use the funds to invest their savings, and a great deal for the companies that run and sell the funds.

          But that win-win situation is not quite as benign as it would seem. Many investors are still - often unwittingly - paying huge fees that cut into retirement savings.

          A new Morningstar study offers an excellent explanation of what is happening. The report, "2015 Fee Study: Investors Are Driving Expense Ratios Down," found that, by one measure, mutual fund and E.T.F. fees paid by individual investors had dropped significantly - 27 percent - over the last 10 years. But it isn't mainly because Wall Street fund managers have been reducing fees. The study found that investors have been voting with their feet, moving money from expensive funds into cheaper ones, like index funds. That drives down the asset-weighted cost of mutual funds, skewing the statistics.

          "It's not mainly thanks to the efforts of the fund companies," Michael Rawson, an author of the Morningstar study, said in an interview. "It's mainly because people have gravitated toward lower-cost funds."

          There's a good reason for the migration to lower-cost funds: They tend to outperform higher-cost ones. As I've written recently, most actively managed mutual funds don't beat the market; those that do beat it rarely manage the feat consistently. Many consumers have gotten the message. Of the 100 lowest-cost funds on the market in March, 95 were index funds that merely try to match the market, not beat it, according to an unpublished study by the Bogle Financial Markets Research Center. Many investors have chosen index funds.

          Yet because of the peculiar economics of the asset management industry, fund companies are still doing great. The companies that run the funds have been reaping outsize rewards because as fund assets have grown - thanks in part to the market's terrific performance over the last six years - the companies' own costs have declined.

          That's because of economies of scale that the companies don't share fully with customers. "The cost of individual funds has dropped, but the assets have gotten so much bigger that the companies' revenue from fees has grown tremendously," Mr. Rawson said. "They could be sharing more of those revenues with consumers, but they're not."

          Using publicly available documents, the Morningstar researchers estimated that in 2014, fee revenue from all stock and bond mutual funds and E.T.F.s reached a record high of $88 billion, up from $50 billion a decade earlier. Assets under management grew 143 percent, and industry fee revenue surged more than 75 percent. The asset-weighted expense ratio - the funds' publicly declared expenses divided by the actual money that investors put into them - declined, too, but only by 27 percent. "The industry - rather than fund shareholders - has benefited most," the report said. Mr. Rawson, a Morningstar analyst, wrote the report with Ben Johnson, director of global E.T.F. research at the company.

          The details are fresh, but the economic machine that propels the asset management business has been whirring along for decades. In a telephone interview last week, John C. Bogle, the founder of Vanguard, the industry's low-cost leader, said that in some ways, running a fund company is like operating a factory. As you ramp up production, it becomes cheaper to produce additional items because important costs - fixed costs - don't rise.

          For an asset management company, he said, a stock or bond portfolio is the core product and the intellectual exercise of selecting stocks and bonds for it is a fixed cost. "When you set up and run the portfolio, it's not much more expensive to do it when your fund has, say, $1 billion in assets, than when it had only $30 million," Mr. Bogle said.

          "Unless you cut your fees drastically, you're going to generate a lot more money for your company as assets grow," Mr. Bogle said. "But do you think the industry wants you to understand that? Absolutely not. Most fund companies aren't passing those savings on to investors."

          Vanguard, which is owned by shareholders of its funds, passes along most of the savings. Morningstar found that Vanguard's average asset-weighted expense ratio in 2014 was 0.14 percent, lower than any of the other top asset management companies and lower than 0.64, the current asset-weighted expense ratio for all funds.

          Mr. Bogle says companies should charge a modest, flat fee for setting up a portfolio - not a percentage of assets, charged annually, which is the current practice - and give fund investors the rest of the money. That would not generate the splendid profits that asset management companies and their owners have enjoyed, however.

          No wonder that in a rising market, shares of publicly traded asset management companies tend to outperform their own stock portfolios. For example, since the beginning of March 2009, the start of the current bull market, through April, the stock of BlackRock, the giant E.T.F. company, returned 27.1 percent, annualized, compared with 20.8 percent annualized in the iShares Core S&P 500 E.T.F., a BlackRock fund that tracks the Standard & Poor's 500-stock index, according to Bloomberg. You would have been better off investing in BlackRock, the company, than in its own S.&.P. 500 index fund.

          Why should mutual fund and E.T.F. investors care about the economics of fund expenses? Because it's the dark side of compounding, a force that can be magical when it works in your favor:.

          anne:

          https://personal.vanguard.com/us/funds/snapshot?FundId=0040&FundIntExt=INT#hist%3A%3Atab=1&tab=1

          Vanguard 500 Stock Index Fund

          Average annual returns as of 3/31/2015

          3/31/2014 ( 12.56%)
          3/30/2012 ( 15.93)
          3/31/2010 ( 14.29)
          3/31/2005 ( 7.89)

          08/31/1976 ( 11.05)


          https://personal.vanguard.com/us/funds/snapshot?FundId=0028&FundIntExt=INT#hist%3A%3Atab=1&tab=1

          Vanguard Long-Term Investment-Grade Bond Fund

          Average annual returns as of 3/31/2015

          3/31/2014 ( 14.54%)
          3/30/2012 ( 8.42)
          3/31/2010 ( 10.34)
          3/31/2005 ( 7.49)

          07/09/1973 ( 8.71)

          anne -> anne:

          This is what Vanguard has meant for modestly wealthy conservative long term investments since the 1970s. From Warren Buffett to David Swenson, the chief investment officer at Yale, Vanguard has been the recommended vehicle for ordinary stock and bond investors.

          Harming Vanguard would be a tragedy.

          anne -> anne:

          "Harming Vanguard would be a tragedy."

          The point is harming Vanguard would be harming the ordinary investors who in effect own Vanguard since Vanguard is indeed a "mutual" fund company, a company owned by fund investors.

          Dan Kervick -> anne:

          The well-being of modestly wealthy long-term investors is only one factor to consider in relation to the well-being of the entire US and global economy. Shouldn't we broaden the discussion?

          anne -> Dan Kervick:

          Vanguard forms a model for investment well-being in the United States.

          Bob:

          Anne, having liquidity requirements is not a tax on investors. When McNabb represents it as such, he is lying. There are no new fees or taxes imposed. It just requires that stock funds hold a percentage of assets in safe bonds in order to handle redemptions in panic situation rather than rely on taxpayer bailouts.

          Investors are still entitled to 100% of the returns from the fund. Yes, it is true that the total return may be somewhat less because bond returns are typically less than stock returns. However, that isn't a tax or fee on investors.

          Almost no investors maintain a 100% stock portfolio. The typical investor my have anywhere from 20% to 80% bonds. So with the liquidity proposal, some portion of the bond assets they hold anyway will be in their stock fund. They can adjust their stock vs bond allocation accordingly, taking into account the bonds held in their stock fund. After this adjustment, they will receive exactly the same total portfolio return as previously.

          The idea that this is a tax or fee is simply a lie. Investors still receive 100% of their investment return.

          Dan Kervick -> anne:


          Well, it seems prima facie plausible that the ability of some firms to deliver very high returns at low cost is due to the amount they have invested in high-risk, high-yield assets. An economy filled with many such firms is going to be an economy with a higher level of systemic risk. If we want a financially safer world, then some rich people are going to have to get richer much more slowly than they did in the past.

          JohnH: I don't believe Vanguard needs any liquidity requirements because none of its investments use leverage. If money is needed, they would just sell the assets at the current market value and disburse the proceeds.

          MMMFs are a little different, because there is the presumption that that value of each share will always be $1, which it will be if short term treasuries are kept to term. In case of a run, the Fed could also buy the treasuries and keep them a few weeks to maturity, as they do under QE.

          For funds that use leverage, the risk of a run is entirely different:

          Longtooth:

          My interpretation of Anne's issue is that she simply favors individualism's credo for the "moderately wealthy" over the rest of our society, and rationalizes her position by believing (in faith) that Vanguard is immune to failure and thus would not be a participant in any new liquidity meltdown, ergo the nation's taxpayers should shoulder the burden of for profit financial investors when such financial markets fail.

          I'm not sure what Anne's position is/was related to the meltdown just past.. but she's caught on the horns of dilemma --- either taxpayer's bail out private investors or they suffer an even greater financial and economic calamity.

          The whole point of Cecchetti & Schoenholtz open letter is that a) Vanguard is not immune, and b) taxpayers should NOT be placed on the horns of that dilemma again, and thus the Vanguard letter was indeed self-serving and misleading.

          EMichael -> Longtooth:

          Perfect.

          McMike:

          Well, the critiques may be technically accurate enough as far as they go.

          But I fail to see how attacking one of the last pockets of low-fee, consumer-facing investment helps anyone in the long run, except those who wish to herd all money into complex, opaque, high-fee vehicles.

          Money Market "reform" may have found some reasonable-sounding talking points on which to promote itself, but stepping back, one cannot help but see it is simply one more wave in the voracious plunder and elimination of any and all alternatives to the relentless and jealous Wall Street flim flam machine.

          anne:

          A democratic investment company is a company that is investor owned, that offers the finest quality long term stock and bond funds with minimal transactions or turnover at low management cost for investors with $10,000. For those men and women who prefer to deal with a Goldman Sachs, a suggest giving that company a call and finding the difference.

          The idea that a Warren Buffett is paid by Vanguard for recommending Vanguard only shows a failure to understand that Vanguard is owned by investors and there are no payments made to financial advisers for recommending the company.

          DeDude -> anne:

          If you think the leadership if Vanguard is controlled by and serving its investors - then you need to get out of the Ivory tower a little more.

          Leadership in any Wall Street company are always serving themselves first, second and third. It is just that some of them are better at hiding that fact than others.

          DeDude:

          As much as Vanguard is trying to sell itself as the investors friend on Wall street, their leadership is just as much a part of the Wall street vampire tribe as the rest of them. Yes, they suck less less blood from each victim, but they are still blood-suckers. When I see Vanguard offering a fund that restrict its investments to companies that compensate CEOs less than average (for that industry and size), then I will know they have left the blood-sucker tribe. The one product that would truly serve the interest of investors is not available from any investment company, because as useful as it would be for us it is dangerous for them.

          anne:

          The descent to profane and violent language on this thread, the descent to intimidation and bullying, is intolerable, horrifying, and meant only to destroy this thread and this blog.

          EMichael -> anne:

          Personally, I think the constant repetition of a Edwardian rant about language is "intolerable, horrifying, and meant only to destroy this thread and this blog."

          As Keynes said, "words ought to be a little wild".

          Syaloch -> EMichael:

          Amen to that.

          Syaloch -> anne:

          Am I missing something? Neither "vampire" nor "blood-sucker" is profanity -- unless you mean it in the sense of blasphemous, i.e. criticism of something sacred.

          Do you think that this "class of people" who work on Wall Street are holy deities and therefore beyond reproach?

          You attitudes toward Vanguard certainly seem to point in that direction:

          anne -> Syaloch:

          These very terms were used to characterize and dehumanize a class of people in the 1930s. These are terrible, fearful terms to use to describe and stereotype people.

          anne:

          The use of profanity and a metaphor from the 1930s in describing a class of people is intolerable. Paul Krugman made a serious mistake in using a 1930s metaphor in description, both for the dismissing of the decency of the humanness of an entire class of people and for setting an example as to use of the metaphor.

          Millions of people were methodically murdered during the 1930s in the wake of a campaign to stereotypically deny their decency, to deny their humanness by using dehumanizing metaphors to describe them.

          likbez -> anne:

          While behavior that you mentioned are unacceptable, a part of the blame is on you: you demonstrated a perfect example of the psychology of rentier, Anna.

          Rentier capitalism is a term used to describe the belief in economic practices of parasitic monopolization of access to any kind of property, and gaining significant amounts of profit without contribution to society.


          DeDude:

          No, I think people are just having a little fun with your stuttering failure to address the issues. However, I will stop now (before being called a Nazi again – but don't think your bullying has worked, its just that I am tired)

          DrDick -> DeDude:

          Nothing I love more than passive-aggressive bullies, but that is Anne's schtick.

          likbez

          The key question to Anne is whether Vanguard is really better for unmanaged funds then ETFs. You need to provides us with solid evidence or all your post with belong to the category that Prince Hamlet defined as:

          The lady doth protest too much, methinks.

          And for managed funds Vanguard experienced several high profile disasters such as with their flagship Primecap fund around 2008. In this sense there is not much to talk about here. Thir managed funds is just a typical example of "go with the crowd" approach.

          Issue of fees was important in 90th. But now IMHO Vanguard belongs to "also run" category: for each Vanguard fund you probably can find other fund or ETF with comparable fees.

          So why you so adamant in defending Vanguard Anne? It' just one of Wall Street sharks which was broght to the surface by establishing 401K in 1978

          P.S. I also consider Vanguard to be among more decent category of Wall Street sharks. But it is still a shark.

          [Apr 12, 2015] The American Consumer Will Never Be Back

          Under neoliberalism most Americans became debt slaves ("What is normal for many everyday Americans is crippling debt levels, and no such thing is recognized in these theories. ")...
          Quote: " I decided to look up how the US personal savings rate is calculated. Turns out, it's another one of those whacky goal-seeked government numbers. At least, that's what I make of it. Mainly, though not even exclusively, because of things like this, from a site called Take A Smart Step: "[The personal savings rate in] November 2012 was 3.6%, this is not even close to where we need to be for financial health. This savings rate barely gives us enough to handle emergencies, and makes us as a nation weaker. The government calculates the personal savings rate as the difference between the after tax income and consumption of Americans. So they include not only retirement savings, but debt repayments, college savings, emergency fund savings, anything that was not spent. " "
          Apr 11, 2015 | Zero Hedge

          Submitted by Raul Ilargi Meijer via The Automatic Earth blog,

          That title may be a bit much, granted, because never is a very long time. I might instead have said "The American Consumer Won't Be Back For A Very Long Time". Still, I simply don't see any time in the future that would see Americans start spending again at a rate anywhere near what would be required for an economic recovery. Looks pretty infinity and beyond to me.

          However, that is by no means a generally accepted point of view in the financial press. There's reality, and then there's whatever it is they're smoking, and never the twain shall meet. Admittedly, my title may be a bit provocative, but in my view not nearly as provocative, if not offensive, as Peter Coy's at Bloomberg, who named his latest effort "US Consumers Will Open Their Wallets Soon Enough".

          I know, sometimes they make it just too easy to whackamole 'em down and into the ground. But even then, these issues must be addressed time and again until people begin to understand, and quit making the wrong decisions for the wrong reasons. People have a right to know what's truly happening to their lives, and their societies. And they're not nearly getting enough of it through the 'official' press. So here goes nothing:

          US Consumers Will Open Their Wallets Soon Enough

          People are constantly exhorted to save, but as soon as they do, economists pop up to complain they aren't spending enough to keep the economy growing. A new blogger named Ben Bernanke wrote on April 1 that there's still a "global savings glut." Two days later the Bureau of Labor Statistics announced the weakest job growth since 2013, which economists quickly attributed to soft consumer spending.

          The first problem with Coy's thesis is that even if people open their wallets, far too many of them will find there's nothing there. And Bernanke simply doesn't understand what savings are. His ideas through the past decade+ about a Chinese savings glut were always way off the mark, and his global – or American – savings glut theory is, if possible, even more wrong. In the minds of the world's Bernankes, there's no such thing as people opening their wallets to find them empty. If they don't spend, they must be saving. That there's a third option, that of not having any dollars to spend, is for all intents and purposes ignored.

          The U.S. personal savings rate-5.8% in February-is the highest since 2012. "After years of spending as if there were no tomorrow, consumers are now saving like there is a tomorrow," Richard Moody, chief economist at Regions Financial, wrote to clients in March. Saving too much really can be a problem when spending is weak.

          The little man inside, when I read things like that, tells me this is nonsense. So I decided to look up how the US personal savings rate is calculated. Turns out, it's another one of those whacky goal-seeked government numbers. At least, that's what I make of it. Mainly, though not even exclusively, because of things like this, from a site called Take A Smart Step:

          [The personal savings rate in] November 2012 was 3.6%, this is not even close to where we need to be for financial health. This savings rate barely gives us enough to handle emergencies, and makes us as a nation weaker. The government calculates the personal savings rate as the difference between the after tax income and consumption of Americans. So they include not only retirement savings, but debt repayments, college savings, emergency fund savings, anything that was not spent.

          Making paying off your debt (i.e. money you've already spent) count towards your savings is a practice fraught with questionable consequences. But useful for economists, and accountants alike, no doubt. The problem with it is that it hides reality behind a veil. Because debt repayments are not really savings at all; people are not free to spend what they put into paying off debt, on something else, like iPads, cars or trinkets. Not even on hookers or crack cocaine, for that matter.

          For the vast majority of what is paid off in debt, there's no such thing as free choices. People pay off debt because they must. Or, to look at it from another, wide lens, angle, Americans would have to stop servicing their debt payments if they want to 'start spending' again.

          Going through the numbers from various sources, I can see that the US personal savings rate is presently some 5.8% of pre-tax income, and debt repayment is close to 10% of disposable -after tax – income. I'm still trying to make those stats rhyme. But no matter how you read and interpret them, it should be clear that debt repayments are a large part of 'official' savings. Even if they really shouldn't be counted as such.

          Of what remains in real savings, retirement/pension savings must necessarily be a substantial percentage, and it would be weird to call those things 'saving like there is a tomorrow', if only because they are about, well, tomorrow. But that seems to be the new normal: creating the impression that saving any money at all is somehow detrimental to the economy. A truly crazy notion, if you ask me. Let's get back to Bloomberg's Coy:

          There are only two things you can do with a dollar, after all: spend it or save it. If you spend it, great-that's money in someone else's pocket.

          In someone else's pocket, but no longer in yours. Why would that be so great? It's only great if that someone has added value to something by doing productive work, not if you simply swap paper assets.

          If you save it, the financial system is supposed to recycle your dollar into productive investment with loans for new houses, factories, software, and research and development.

          That notion of 'the financial system is supposed to' refers to theories such as those that Bernanke and his ilk 'believe' in. Theories that have no practical value. What is normal for many everyday Americans is crippling debt levels, and no such thing is recognized in these theories. After all, according to them, whatever amount of dollars you get in, you either spend or save them. And if you use them to pay off previously incurred debt, you're supposedly actually saving, even though you no longer have possession of the money in any way, shape or sense, nor a choice of what to spend it on.

          But if no one's in the mood to invest more and interest rates are already as low as they can go (as they are in much of the world), the compulsion to save can sap demand and throw people out of work. For the U.S. economy, the good news is that the jump in the personal savings rate is probably no more than a blip. Three economists from Deutsche Bank Securities in New York explained why in a March 25 report called 'U.S. Consumers: Still Shopping, Not Dropping'. While noting a "deceleration" in consumer spending, they wrote, "we think that concerns about the outlook for the consumer are overstated." Their model of the U.S. economy predicts the savings rate will fall to 3% to 3.5% by 2017.

          Oh sweet lord. Now a falling savings rate has become a beneficial thing, even when and where savings are very low. Not saving will allegedly save the economy. How did that happen? If we may presume that debt repayments will continue virtually unabated, and there seems to be little reason to think otherwise, this means that by 2017 there will be just about nothing saved at all anymore in America. Which means there'd be very little left of the 'If you save it, the financial system is supposed to recycle your dollar into productive investment'.

          The only 'growth' perspective America has left is to grow its debt levels continually, continuously and arguably exponentially.

          Other economists have also concluded that the spending dropoff is temporary, which is why the slowdown in job growth, to just 126,000 in March, didn't set off many alarm bells. "Consumer spending is starting to look more and more like a coiled spring," says Guy Berger, U.S. economist at RBS Securities. One sign that consumers aren't retrenching: On April 7 the Federal Reserve reported that consumer credit rose $15.5 billion in February, in line with the recent past.

          They got deeper into debt, and this is a sign they're not 'retrenching'? A coiled spring? Really?

          According to Deutsche Bank Securities, the first reason to think consumers will resume spending is that their incomes are rising. Annual growth in average hourly earnings has averaged about 2% since 2010, which isn't great but does exceed inflation. With more people working as well, aggregate payroll outlays are up 4.9% from the past year, according to Bureau of Labor Statistics data.

          The rises in stock and home prices should make consumers more willing to live a little, say the Deutsche Bank authors. They calculate that households' net worth is almost 6.5 times consumers' disposable personal income. That's the highest ratio since before the housing crash.

          But that last bit is arguably all due to QE induced asset bubbles. Not an argument the author would make, I know, but nevertheless. Coincidentally, another Bloomberg article published the same day as the one we're delving in here is called:Why Your Wages Could Be Depressed for a Lot Longer Than You Think. Perhaps the respective authors should have a sit down.

          No question, the high savings rate depresses spending in the short run. Purchases of durable goods, from cars to couches, remain well below their 60-year average share of GDP. But all that saving helps consumers get their finances in order, which will allow them to satisfy pent-up demand for that sweet new Ford F-150.

          No no no: they just paid off part of their debts. How can that possibly mean they'll go out and get a new F-150? In real life, they spent their money instead of saving it. Either way, they don't have it any longer to spend on a F-150. It would mean they need to get into new debt. On top of what they still have left over even AFTER paying down part of it.

          Fed data show that financial obligations including debt service, rent, and auto leases are about their lowest in comparison to disposable income since 1981.

          Hmm. According to Wikipedia, "Household debt as a % of disposable income rose from 68% in 1980 to a peak of 128% in 2007, prior to dropping to 112% by 2011." It's about 105% today. So that's just a very weird statement. Someone's wrong, very wrong, and I think I know who that would be. Maybe Peter Coy conveniently ignores mortgage payments when he talks about "financial obligations including debt service, rent, and auto leases"?!

          When consumers are ready to borrow more, it won't hurt that, according to the Fed's survey of banks' senior loan officers, banks are easing lending standards.

          See? That's what I said: they can only spend if they acquire new debt. They're just getting rid of the last batch, and it's going mighty slowly at that. Lest we forget, when debt as a percentage of income falls, that is due to quite an extent to people failing to make any debt payments at all, and losing their homes and cars. This is a dead economic model. This model is pining for the fjords.

          These factors add up to an optimistic consumer.

          Oh, c'mon. What is that statement based on? That 'sky high' savings rate that is really just poor slobs paying off what they can in debt repayments so they won't get hit with even more fees and fines?

          What I think these factors add up to, is a delusional reporter. There is no excess saving. It's ludicrous. As far as people have any money at all, they're using it to pay down their previously incurred debts. And that gets tallied into their savings rate by the government's creative accounting methods. That's all there is to the whole story. But it will, regardless, induce a few more poor souls to sign up for more mortgages and car loans and feel like happy American consumers on their way down into the maelstrom.

          It's sad, it really is. Maybe we should first of all stop referring to the American people as 'consumers'. That might help.

          [Apr 10, 2015] Keynes and the casino

          July 13, 2009 | John Quiggin

          A short extract from my proposed book, over the fold. Lots more like this to come! Comments and criticisms much appreciated, with free books for the top ten!

          Dead Ideas from Live Economists: The Efficient Markets Hypothesis

          When the capital development of a country becomes a by-product of the activities of a casino, the job is likely to be ill-done, JM Keynes, General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money Ch 12, p142 in Google Book edition, Atlantic Publishers

          If there is one economic doctrine that has been central to thinking about economic and social policy over the last three decades, it is the Efficient Markets Hypothesis, or more properly, the efficient financial markets hypothesis. The EMH says that financial markets are the best possible guide to the value of economic assets and therefore to decisions about investment and production.
          Although economists since Adam Smith have pointed out the virtues of markets in general, the EMH with its focus on financial markets is specific to the era of finance-driven capitalism that emerged from the breakdown of the Keynesian Bretton Woods system in the 1970s. The EMH justified, and indeed demanded, financial deregulation, the removal of controls on international capital flows and the massive expansion of the financial sector that ultimately produced the greatest financial crisis in history.

          Some more linking material to come here

          Keynes and the casino

          Few economists have been successful investors, and quite a few have been disastrous failures. But after a narrow escape from disaster early in his investing career John Maynard Keynes made a fortune for his Cambridge college by speculating in futures markets It is a striking paradox that Keynes was among the most scathing of all economists in his assessment of the role of financial markets.

          "Speculators may do no harm as bubbles on a steady stream of enterprise. But the position is serious when enterprise becomes the bubble on a whirlpool of speculation. When the capital development of a country becomes a by-product of the activities of a casino, the job is likely to be ill-done" (General Theory Ch 12, p142 in Google Book edition, Atlantic Publishers

          During the decades of the long Keynesian boom, financial markets were tightly regulated, and, as a result, financial crises disappeared almost entirely from the experience and memory of the developed world. At the margin, substantial profits could be made by finding ways to work around the regulations, while relying on governments to maintain the stability of the system as a whole. Not surprisingly, there was a warm reception for theoretical arguments that presented a more favorable view of financial markets.

          Keynes' views were reflected in the systems of financial regulation adopted as governments sought to rebuild national economies and the global economic system in the wake of World War II. The international negotiations undertaken at a meeting in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, in 1944, where Keynes represented the British government, established an international framework in which exchange rates were fixed and movements of capital tightly controlled.

          National governments similarly adopted policies of stringent financial regulation, and established a range of publicly-owned financial institutions in response to the failures of the private market. In the United States, a host of regulatory bodies were established to control financial institutions. The Glass-Steagall Act established the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) and prohibited bank holding company from owning other financial companies. The Federal National Mortgage Association (later quasi-privatised as Fannie Mae, and then renationalised during the early stages of the 2008 meltdown) was established to support the mortgage market.

          Although the details of intervention varied from country to country, the effect was the same everywhere. Banking in the 1950s and 1960s was a dull but secure business, resembling a public utility in many respects. Parents scarred by the Depression urged their children to look for 'a nice safe job in a bank'.

          The Efficient Markets Hypothesis changed all that.

          Sinclair Davidson July 13th, 2009 at 18:59 | #1 Reply |

          Quote Zero price books – the cost comes out of the author's royalty.

          The problem with your argument, as I understand it, is this

          Efficient market theory is an ideology a few may share, but it is not a mechanism for direct action-taking. As such, and unlike the theories that truly caused the crisis, it cannot lead to activities by professionals that may cause trouble.

          There is also the point that the efficient market hypothesis says markets cannot be beaten, and yet the current nightmare was created by those who very much wanted to outperform.

          Had Wall Street and the City abided by the theory, they would have gorged on index funds rather than on subprime CDOs. They would have tried to make money by boringly replicating the index, not by selling optionality though credit default swaps.

          Rather than being followed, the efficient market theory was scorned.

          Andrew Reynolds July 13th, 2009 at 19:15 | #2 Reply PrQ,

          You seem to point to the "Efficient Markets Hypothesis" as being the cause of the "collapse" of the tight regulation and the Bretton Woods System. My understanding is that at least Bretton Woods was brought down by comprehensive cheating by many, if not most, participating governments.

          The massive overspending by Johnson and Nixon, combined with the steady debasing of the USD made the US's exit from Bretton Woods a fait accompli, only hastened by the speculation that it would happen, not caused by it.

          If you are also going to argue that there was a reduction of stringent financial regulation it would probably also help to justify that position, rather than assuming it. In the US, for example, none of the regulatory bodies disappeared and I am not aware of many, if any, of their powers that were removed.

          Peter Wood July 13th, 2009 at 19:23 | #3 Reply |

          Quote John, I recall you had an earlier post describing both strong and weak forms of the efficient market hypothesis. While I have big problems with strong forms of the efficient markets hypothesis, I do have sympathy for weaker forms.

          I think fleshing out the differences between strong and weak forms of the efficient hypothesis could be quite interesting.

          jquiggin July 13th, 2009 at 19:41 | #4 Reply |

          Quote AR, my final sentence is a bit ambiguous. It was intended to refer only to the last few sentences, about banking being safe and boring etc. I broadly agree with your account on the end of BW – this paved the way for deregulation.

          Sinclair, I'll be coming to your point later in this chapter. Relevant quote:

          There was something of a paradox here. The Black-Scholes pricing rule shows how an option price ought to be determined in an efficient market. But traders can only make a profit using Black-Scholes and similar rules to price derivatives if the market price deviates from the 'correct' price, that is, if the efficient markets hypothesis is not satisfied.

          Economists have wrestled with this problem for a long time without working out a completely satisfactory solution. The most common view was one that seemed to preserve the efficient markets hypothesis while justifying the huge returns reaped by financial market professionals. This is the idea that the market is just close enough to perfect efficiency that the returns available from exploiting any inefficiency are equal to the cost of the skill and effort that goes into discovering it.

          philip travers July 13th, 2009 at 20:11 | #5 Reply |

          Quote The Reynolds number above doesn't know his pipelines. Recently a move by DeMint to audit the Federal Reserve, was met by a a non-supporting Democrat House that was so uninterested like the Republicans a qourum could not be..and the bill or amendment was rescinded. A Video of DeMint outlining his stuff is on YouTube. A whole history of trying to audit The Federal Reserve has met with a dulling hammer. Who knows, if this had occured, Wonderboy Al Gore maybe in jail today.

          hrvoje July 13th, 2009 at 21:37 | #6 Reply |

          I'm not an economist. So I hope your book will be easy to read (i.e not too much hard core economic theory. I very much like Krugman's style of writing of non academic texts simply because it appeals to more people and ordinary folk can read it. And it's important that ordinary folk reads Krugman and similar authors like yourself), which I am sure it will. I have a copy of General Theory, and I must say it's a slog to read. He obviously did not intend to still be popular among non economists 60 years on.

          Thing that I don't understand about finance industry and which I hope you will address is this. In quite a few industries you can sue someone for professional negligence and malpractice i.e doctors, civil engineers, food factories, car companies etc. Hence they have a lot of incentive to besides winning consumers and making money also not to make catastrophic mistakes thus endangering their own financial survival and or jail time. What it boils down to is the question of incentives. If you (individually or as business) have all the incentive in the world to keep on pushing the envelope but have very little deterrent against the actions you might take, then you will keep on pushing the envelope. So what's the worst thing that can happen to you as a trader or a finance exec, if you're sitting on few million dollars a year. Well if you stuff up big time, you might get demoted, not get your bonus, or worse case scenario you might loose your job. Big deal, you already have made the money. Everything else after couple of million is a matter of peer prestige. So what do you do. You keep on pushing the envelope, because everyone else is doing it.. And for a certain period of time it works. Until it stops. In the meantime all of your friends (individual or similar type businesses) keep on pushing the envelope, until it stops. And then we all have a problem. I realise that we do not have current laws which could be successfully applied across the globe to prosecute those who have caused the financial crisis caused. A lot of it is a system error, beyond the control of one individual. But at the same time, this was a human made catastrophe which will push millions into poverty, cause civil unrest etc. Having said this, we also did not have laws for atrocities committed in second WWII or in the following wars. Yet perpetrators of atrocities committed did get successfully prosecuted and punished. It is a bit of a starch to compare finance guys to war criminals, but at the same time you do have a lot of pissed of people asking the obvious question? Should someone be punished? As they say, … just follow the money trail and where it went. If not jail time then maybe we could at least take their bounty away. And this could serve as a little bit of a deterrent to the next generation. To paraphrase and extend Keynes's "magneto trouble" analogy, "you don't mess around with the light switch, because if you do and you turn the darkness on to the rest of us. Well then, you should get your fingers chopped off".

          So Prof Q, how would you address the issue of incentives in finance industry and all other industries which are essential in the modern day society. As good old Keynes said it "Soon or late, it is ideas, not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or evil."

          haiku July 13th, 2009 at 21:49 | #7 Reply

          There's a quote out there somewhere from Charlie Munger (Warren Buffett's business partner) along the lines of "if investment banking is too big to fail, it should be tightly regulated and boring …" Or something like that.

          gerard July 13th, 2009 at 22:04 | #8 Reply |

          is this hypothesis falsifiable?

          This is the idea that the market is just close enough to perfect efficiency that the returns available from exploiting any inefficiency are equal to the cost of the skill and effort that goes into discovering it.

          There doesn't seem to be much in the way of a burden of proof.

          Or concrete terms under which the hypothsis could be rejected.

          haiku,

          Show me an institution that is too big to fail and I will show you one that has used the regulations to become that way.

          SeanG July 13th, 2009 at 22:59 | #10

          I think with EMH you should split it up with the primary focus being on the strong-form efficient market hypothesis which has driven options pricing. There is another great quote from Markowitz I believe that you could use about EMH, something that the view of the world from the Charles river is considerably different than the view from Hudson river.

          Jill Rush July 14th, 2009 at 00:08 | #11

          Were the aims of the two systems somewhat different? I had thought that the aims from Bretton Woods were nation building and reconstruction ie for the social good.

          The aims of Efficient Market Hypothesis seems to be the creation of wealth for individuals/corporations where the nation and social benefit are no longer in the picture except as an implied consequence.

          Andrew Reynolds July 14th, 2009 at 00:21 | #12 Reply

          Jill,

          There was no "system" that went with the EMH. It is simply an hypothesis – one that is susceptible to proof – i.e. at least in some way scientific. Bretton Woods was a system.

          One allows the participants to cheat like bandits – which they did from the get go. The other was the EMH.

          Jack Strocchi July 14th, 2009 at 00:38 | #13

          The Efficient Markets Hypothesis changed all that.

          Keynes was undoubtedly as good an economic theorist and financial operator as Pr Q would have it. But his philosophy of history exaggerates the role of ideological ideas over institutional interests. In the General Theory he concludes:

          It is ideas, not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or evil…Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.

          In reality it is interests, not ideas, that tend to prevail. Power seeking organizations will of necessity engage in ideological manipulation of special interests in preference to institutional incarnation of general ideas.

          And then there are "events, dear boy, events" that no government or philosopher can do much about. In particular, it was the advent of fiscal inflation which drove a liberalisation of financial policy.

          The Bretton Woods agreement collapsed for institutional, not ideological, reasons. The US govt from the late sixties onwards could no longer square the politico-economic circle ie pay for gigantic increases in its Warfare (Vietnam/Arms Race) and Welfare (Civil Rights/Great Society) state, run a non-inflationary fiscal balance/trade deficit AND adhere to a USD exchange rate pegged to a fixed gold standard @ $35.00 per ounce.

          The result was that foreign govts, worried about inflation-driven devaluation of their dollars were starting to exchange them for gold. Causing the price of gold to skyrocket and the US to suffer a massive outflow of gold in exchange for less worthy paper.

          Nixon solved this by closing the gold window – the so-called Nixon shock. But this was pure policy opportunism by Nixon and not driven by an ideological preference for free exchange rates. Nixon was, if anything, more statist than most US Presidents.

          Of course Nixon's ending a "corporal" regulatory regime is not the same as Reagan's innaugurating a liberal de-regulatory regime. The biggest de-regulation occurred with the relaxation of Regulation Q by a liberal Democratic congress in 1980. This was done to allow larger banks to compete with non-Bank financial instittutions for deposit funds by raising interest rates, thereby stemming the inflation-driven outflow of money.

          That allowed financiers to get out into the market place and become "players", rather than just errand boys for industrialists. Thereby allowing executives to effectively privatise public companies through LBOs.

          So really it was inflation that forced the financial genie out of the regulatory bottle. After that it was leverage and arbitrage that did the rest.

          Jack Strocchi July 14th, 2009 at 01:03 | #14 Reply

          Pr Q says:

          There was something of a paradox here. The Black-Scholes pricing rule shows how an option price ought to be determined in an efficient market. But traders can only make a profit using Black-Scholes and similar rules to price derivatives if the market price deviates from the 'correct' price, that is, if the efficient markets hypothesis is not satisfied.

          Oh God here we go again. Neo-classical economists who attempt to justify liberal capitalism often do so by theoretically abolishing those aspects of the system that allow the opportunity to make profits which make it all worthwhile, at least from the pov of the capitalist.

          And then, to compound the irony, they practically establishing exactly those kinds of rackets that the competitive system is supposed to wipe out. Does the acronym LTCM strike a distant chord?

          If the perfect market theory were true then there would really be little role for entrepreneurial risk taking since information is freely available and reliable. Competitive firms would quickly compete away all profits, driving down prices to equate with marginal costs.

          The rate of profit would approximate the rate of interest. So there would be precious little incentive to take a risk on a new investment.

          In short, if perfectly efficient markets prevailed the capitalist system would quickly evolve into a predictable routine and everyone would die of economic boredom.

          In reality capitalist markets, whether industrial or financial, are anything but perfectly competitive, equitably informed or efficiently operated. They are characterised by large anomalies of information and disparities of incentive.

          Its the hunger to exploit these niches that keeps the system humming along. Nothing inherently wrong in that so long as the niches represent real differences in the value of useful things.

          The trouble with financial competition is that, left unchecked, its institutional churn of value creates artificial niches in virtual things. There is also an almighty tendency to market concentration as Big Banks swallow up Small Banks in order to better absorb risk.

          But their attraction to reward always outruns their aversion to risk. So they get into strife.

          And of course, in the late sub-prime crisis we had the added complication of the entry into the market of a vast, new and hitherto unknown risk quantity: marginal minority borrowers. Boy didn't that generate a few surprises!

          Martin July 14th, 2009 at 02:32 | #15 Reply

          Macao isn't doing that badly…

          Chris Warren July 14th, 2009 at 10:27 | #16 Reply |

          I cannot see much value in exploring the efficient "financial" market hypothesis, if you ignore the underlying efficient economic market hypothesis (Smith, Mill, Ricardo, Marx).

          useful insights can be gleaned by starting from a prison camp analysis of cigarette currency similar to RA Radfords 1945 paper "Economic Organisation of a POW camp".

          As Adam Smith used Robinson Crusoe to simplify matters, looking at a artificial system like Radford's has value.

          So I would assume that whatever distribution or allocation results from cigarettes, then presumably there could exist a better distribution based on a non-market distribution.

          Efficient Markets only exist if there is initially an equitable distribution of endowments. These two must coexist. We do not want a society that has to choose between and equitable distribution and a efficient distribution.

          In any such case – society will always go for the equitable outcome and efficient markets become a laughing stock.

          Gaz July 14th, 2009 at 11:01 | #17 Reply

          On the EMH and the role of regulation, Treasury guy David Gruen made a refreshing speech referring to it last month.

          http://www.treasury.gov.au/contentitem.asp?NavId=008&ContentID=1564

          Best quote: "It is as if, as the Titanic was sailing into iceberg-infested waters, those with the requisite skills and training to warn of the impending danger were instead hard at work, in a windowless cabin, perfecting the design of ship hulls … for a world without icebergs."

          Socrates July 14th, 2009 at 12:28 | #18 Reply

          I think the Efficient Markets Hypothesis would be better titled the Convenient Assumptions Hypothesis, because that is all it is. The easiest lie to tell people is always the one they want to hear.. EMH told a lot of right wingers and wealthy people what they wanted to here.

          I have another theory I'd like to see shot down in the wake of this mess: Alignment and Inncentive theories. These hold that, if you structure the incentives right, you can align people's interests with your own. Jensen and Murphy made careers out of running this argument. But its rubbish! People's interests are what they are; you can't change them. You might be able to align their behaviour with the right incentives. The difference between aligning interests and only aligning behaviour is not trivial. If you assume you can align CEO's interests then you don't need a corporate watchdog to police CEOs. If you only assume you can aling behaviour then you still need a watchdog, in case the circumstances arise where the CEO has a greater incentive to rip off the shareholders than act on their behalf.

          S. Haines July 14th, 2009 at 15:03 | #19 Reply

          JQ

          What exactly does "during the Keynesian long boom" mean? Does this mean a phase that Keynes himself described as a "long boom?" When did it take place and where?

          jquiggin July 14th, 2009 at 15:18 | #20 Reply #19 The "Keynesian long boom" refers to the period from WWII to the early 1970s in the developed world, a period of full employment and strong growth attributed at the time (and still attributed by some) to the use of Keynesian policies.

          Andrew Reynolds July 14th, 2009 at 17:18 | #21 Reply

          …and which ended with the collapse of virtually the entire infrastructure built up after the war in the face of systematic cheating by governments.

          S. Haines July 14th, 2009 at 18:12 | #22 Reply

          The boom between the end of WW2 and the mid-late 60s (the trouble set in long before 1973) was a result of three things more important that Keynes' economic theories:

          1. The massive profits the US made out of WW2 were able to be lent to Western Europe and Japan – the Marshall Plan – to rebuild them after WW2.

          2. The unquestioned militarisation of a bipolar globe led by the US and the Soviets.

          3. Incredible technological advances in production processes, which largely derived from war time Physics.

          Andrew Reynolds July 14th, 2009 at 18:59 | #23 Reply

          S. Haines,

          I would put at the top of the list the fact that the world economy was starting from a situation where there had been a prolonged depression followed by the most destructive war in history. As with China today, growing quickly from a low base is not a real challenge – all you have to do is stuff it up as little as possible. Growing quickly from a high base is the real challenge.

          Alanna July 14th, 2009 at 19:06 | #24 Reply

          Nonsense

          Andrew – you say
          "and which ended with the collapse of virtually the entire infrastructure built up after the war in the face of systematic cheating by governments."

          Sorry Andrew – if you must know why we never got back to the long boom post war (which did work and was more keynesian) – because of inflation in the 1970s due to Vietnam War Boom and poorly managed aggregate demand in the US post 1966 causing a wage explosition and prices up worldwide (yes – dont be naive enough to comment it was unions here "that done it" – it happened in lots of industrial countries at the same time…way too international for that – it was as it ever was …the US sneezed) and then oil (check yr government in the US at that time) – a bunfight over theory from a bunch of slightly misguided monetarists in the 1970s, then of course then (drumroll) you know who came to really stuff it up and make sure we NEVER revovered…the truly mad neo liberals.

          jquiggin July 14th, 2009 at 19:37 | #25 Reply

          AR @21, this point seemed a lot more convincing 18 months ago. The system based on the efficient markets hypothesis has collapsed just as spectacularly, and with much less to show for itself as far as OECD countries are concerned (China has done pretty well since the 1970s, but it's not exactly an advertisement for free capital markets).

          Andrew Reynolds July 14th, 2009 at 19:39 | #26 Reply

          Alanna,
          So "were all Keynesians now" Nixon was a neo-liberal? Fascinating. I look forward to your book on the subject. It should be a doozy.

          Governments everywhere cheated the system, Alanna – that is one of the reasons why it failed and fell into stagflation. It really was that simple.

          I never mentioned the unions – why did you feel a need to bring them up?

          Ernestine Gross July 14th, 2009 at 19:56 | #27 Reply

          JQ, Given the post and some comments (eg #1, #3), it seems to me there are several ideas and problems superimposed or entangled.

          My reading of your post is that you are using the term 'efficient market hypothesis' the way people in the financial sector (including accountants and corporate lawyers, management consultants …) and in policy areas and beyond have used this term. In this context, the term substitutes for phrases such as 'markets allocate resources efficiently', 'governments can't pick winners', 'the market outcome cannot be improved upon, therefore privatise, deregulate, etc, etc. I am not sure whether an appropriate label would be ideology or mythology or dogma.

          The comment in #1 is but a variant of the foregoing in the sense that the said practical men and women take 'theory' to be prescriptive and there doesn't seem to be time taken to distinguish between a 'theory' and a 'hypothesis'.

          The comment in #3 belongs to the professional Finance literature. In this literature, Fama is a big name. Fame wrote about three linked 'efficient capital market hypothesis', all of which linked the term 'efficiency' to information (weak form, semi-strong from, strong form). The Fama weak and semi-strong form hypotheses created a growth industry in publishing empirical tests. This literature was influential because it was empirical and it was said to be 'evidence based'. As I mentioned in an earlier post, in a 1986 Working Paper, titled "A Note on the Testability of Fama's Semi-Strong-Form Efficient Capital Market Hypothesis, Dept of Economics, University of Sydney (available in the Fisher Library), I showed that the hypothesis is not falsifiable. At most, the empirical 'tests' test a weaker proposition, namely that, relative to a benchmark 'market portfolio' and a hypothesis about the pricing of securities, one cannot make excess returns on average during a particular period of time from making investment (in securities) decisions that are conditioned on publicly available information. I learned from Frank Milne, formerly ANU, that he had reached a similar conclusion in an also unpublished paper (ie not published in an 'internationally recognised' journals because at the time they rejected such papers) paper. For all I know, there may be another 100 or 200 or more analytical economists in this world who had reached the same conclusion around the same time. In a later Working Paper "Shareholders' Valuation Response to Corporate Direct Foreign Investment Announcements', School of Banking and Finance, UNSW, 1989 (available at the UNSW Library), I found that the valuation responses (magnitude) varied with the regulatory framework within the sample period (ie one observation on the effect of a change in regulation of a particular type – no other big conclusions can be drawn).

          There is another literature relevant to the topic (IMHO). It consists of theoretical models on 'Fully Revealing Rational Expectations Equilibria (FRRE). This literature belongs to mathematical economics, using a methodology compatible with general equilibrium models at the time). This literature belongs to the 1980s. It 'covers' a notion of strong form informational efficiency and allocative efficiency in the sense of a Pareto-type criterion. Big names in this area are Grossman, Hellwig, Laffont.

          Then there is at least one study which aims to examine the likelihood of FRRE, using numerical methods (Boehm et al.)

          The point I end up making is that the 'efficient market hypothesis' in the Fama sense has been discredited before the term 'efficient market hypothesis' as you seem to use it became popular. Do you have a chapter or an appendix to the chapter on quality versus quantity of research output ?

          Does G Soros deserve a mention in relation to making money in the financial markets and being critical of some beliefs?

          I look forward reading your book.

          Ernestine Gross July 14th, 2009 at 20:18 | #28 Reply

          JQ, further on the 'efficient market hypothesis' – ideology or mythology or dogma:

          At least since 1987, some research took place in the area of financial stability or lack thereof. For example, H.W. Wilson et al, "A model of financial fragility", Journal of Economic Theory, Jul/Aug 2001.

          I'd be most interested to hear from academics in Commerce Faculties about their luck or otherwise in getting a course accepted which introduces at least an outline of the methodology and results from this body of literature. It was possible at UNSW in the 1980s and early 1990s, at least for honours students.

          The topic of derivative securities and their effect on equity prices has also been studied. In this area, a topic of interest to me has been the observation that the Black and Scholes model is a characterisation of an equilibrium of model of an economy with complete securities markets. Derivatives are redundant because their payoffs are priced by duplication portfolios of underlying securities. In practice the Black and Scholes model is 'applied'. Now, if the model is 'true' then introducing redundant securities and using past data of the underlying securities must have an effect on 'everything else', unless the number of derivatives is negligible in relation to the market of underlying securities. So I thought. Geoff Wells (honours student at the time) and I did a simulation study, modelling the application of Black and Scholes in a model where the conditions for the B&S model hold. Indeed, equity prices were affected and commodity prices (1 'good' only). The 1999 paper is available from the Library at UNSW.

          I have no sympathy with the opinion authors and practical men and women in formerly highly paid jobs who now wish to blame 'economists' for the GFC. But I am absolutely delighted hearing you are to write the book in question. The 'truth' wants to come out.

          S. Haines July 14th, 2009 at 20:24 | #29 Reply AR

          Yes, your point about growth from a very low base point is well made.

          I emphasise the Cold War polarisation as it more or less forced individual nationas to be hermetically sealed behind the military protection of whichever Cold War empire they belonged to. It had nothing to do with politicians from Canberra to London to Rome to Tokyo to Copenhagen reading Keynes

          But in the mid-1960s, inflation broke out, which Keynesianism could not control, and then not even the US could stop private companies and banks engaging in cross-border investment independently of regulatory attempts to control them.

          The so-called "Keynesian Long Boom" had less to do with Keynes than it was a result of the success of American militarism and imperialism. And it was not all that long. It stopped in the mid 60s, with the reemergence of inflation.

          Alice July 14th, 2009 at 21:08 | #30 Reply @Andrew Reynolds

          Look Andrew – it was you that brought up history…and Im so glad you did because you are way way off course as usual.

          I can find you an economists quote back in 1950 that said the trouble with policy (then!!!!) was that "laisssez faire" beleifs had infiltrated US power structures. Now just to get this truly in perspective "laissez faire" economics was always the enemy and always will be the enemy. It is they who make a monumental mess in the name of enriching a few. They were around before Keynes, who put paid to them, but they will always be with us. The enemies of sound economic policy. They have a new name but they are the same breed. Neoliberals is laissez faire by any other name.
          lets go back in time – Korean War boom also caused a run up in prices, again starting in the US and transmitted here like swine flu – but it didnt last long. The Budget of 1951-52 delivered shart tax rises and a credit squeeze. It lasted barely a year. A Keynesian budget delivering what it should have to restrain demand – and another "little budget" in 1956 when it threatened to rear its ugly head again. Problem solved – Keynesian policies. Fast forward to 1966 – again another run in the US – and another war – Vietnam. Only this time – no good policies – Nixon in in 1968 – the start of the rot and no decent constraints (Keynesian demand management). Instead he escalated the Vietnam war. He used wage and price controls instead of Keynesian remedies. He abolished the gold standard. He devalued the dollar 8%. His budget deficit of 1971 was the largest in US history (petrol) and he was a crook and it declined from there.

          Andrew, in case you don't remember – Nixon was a republican. It was the abandonment of Keynesian economics that stuffed up economic policy and got us into the mess of the past 35 years being nowhere near as decent as the post war years. Neoliberalism = Laissez Faire by another name – thats all.

          Tony G July 14th, 2009 at 21:09 | #31 Reply

          " I'd be a bum on the street with a tin cup if the markets were always efficient "

          Ernestine Gross July 14th, 2009 at 21:14 | #32 Reply

          S. Haines, Are you suggesting that the military expenditure ("American militarism and imperialsim" in your words) had nothing to do with the "re-emergence of inflations"?

          Ernestine Gross July 14th, 2009 at 21:18 | #33 Reply

          Tony G, your comment reminds me of a former colleague in a School of Finance who was the only one with a 'fat merc'. On the topic of efficient capital markets he used to love putting on a little smile saying: you buy cheap and sell expensive. He was very popular among those who thought they were testing a Fama hypothesis.

          S. Haines July 14th, 2009 at 21:20 | #34 Reply

          EG

          No, I am not. I am merely questioning the significance of 'Keynesianism' that JQ seems to give it.

          Alice July 14th, 2009 at 21:33 | #35 Reply

          @S. Haines

          This is the sort of comment I object to…"But in the mid-1960s, inflation broke out, which Keynesianism could not control"

          A) Inflation did not break out in the mid 1960s. It broke out in the late 1960s. Wage rises started breaking out in the mid 1960s BUT NO Keynesian remedies were applied. It was this failure that led to the extreme inflation of early 1970s that was an international phenomenon transmitted to the rest of the world by an unrestrained boom in the US.

          It was a failure to restrain aggregate demand in the US. It was the failure to apply Keynesian remedies, primarily due to the Nison government (republican). It wasnt until early in the 1970s sometime that Greenspan stepped in (in Fords company – another republican) after Fords solution to high inflation in the early 1970s was to get people to wear WIP badges ("Whip Inflation Now" – now that was useful wasnt it) to advise a stimulus because by then the ugly thing has imploded and thrown people on the streets) and what was Greenspans stimulus?

          What else? Stimulus via tax cuts.

          Tax cuts – then became so popular they were given for breathing. They were even given to the rich. Big ones. Fast forward to Reagan and supply side tax cuts given to all in business to cure everything from a headcold to impotence (except budget deficits and declining govt investment).

          By this time the economy is becoming impotent. People are told they are losing their jobs because of "structural change" and "technology improvements seeking skilled workers" ha ha.

          It was just lousy management all round.

          Alice July 14th, 2009 at 21:35 | #36 Reply WIN badges – sorry (Whip Inflation Now). Oh my goodness. Sounds like the start of media and politics (the Howard Govts interest rate election…..ew). If they were doing something useful they wouldnt need to advertise it.

          Alice July 14th, 2009 at 21:52 | #37 Reply "Obviously, we've got budget matters. You know, when I was running for President, in Chicago, somebody said, would you ever have deficit spending? I said, only if we were at war, or only if we had a recession, or only if we had a national emergency. Never did I dream we'd get the trifecta." (Laughter.)

          George Bush

          and Keynes said if you can build and economy for war for you can build it in a time of peace

          But the neoliberals (in the Republicans) only liked war because they had mates in oil or military supply lines. But they knew what war spending could do and if REAL unemployment wasnt so high in the US (as opposed the offficial measured unemployment) they would have got another bad dose of inflation. Instead they got a global ponzi boost and some war looting thrown in for good measure (Gulf war 1 and 2 – thankyou to the Bush Family who know how to look after their own).

          TerjeP (say tay-a) July 14th, 2009 at 23:26 | #38 Reply JQ – Can you fit in a few chapters discussing the Bancor and how it might have made for a different global monetary system?

          Ernestine Gross July 15th, 2009 at 08:01 | #39 Reply Correction, comment #28, para 4, last sentence should read:

          "The 1989 paper is available …" (not 1999).

          Apologies

          S. Haines July 15th, 2009 at 13:56 | #40 Reply Alice

          My economic history is a bit rusty, and I do not have the data at my fingerprints, but I am pretty sure the inflationary break out occurred in 1965 in the US, while average profit rates peaked the year after in 1966 and continued to decline until the early 1980s. This led to the credit-crunch of 1966-67. If you have contradicting data, I would be grateful for the correction.

          Alice July 15th, 2009 at 16:27 | #41 Reply @S. Haines
          Inflation was between 4 and 6% in the US between 1965 and 1970 S.Haines (having risen from 1960 from slightly under 2%). However, deespite a small dip after 1968 – Inflation then took off, reaching 10 to 11% around 1972 fell back to about 8% in 1977 and then rose to 12% around 1980. I havent got the actual inflation figures for the US in front of me but they are shown graphically hence Im reading these numbers from a chart (so not absolutely precise but probably close enough). On the scale of things the rise after 65 was both relatively small and dipped back relative to the peaks of early 1970s and early 1980s inflation (and the US the early 1980s peak which was even higher than the early 1970s). It was this inflation I was referring to. For a look at how inflation looked in a lot of countries at around the same time, this article illustrates well. It was def a worldwide event and as such most unlikely to be caused by any local union activity (US intyernational transmission more likely). These authors found not a lot of evidence to suggest oil price rises or food price rises triggered inflation starts (exacerbate maybe, trigger – no) in OECD countries. They suggest

          "High real GDP
          growth prior to many inflation starts is consistent with the idea that policy-makers focused on the short-term benefits of stimulating real growth while avoiding the costs of ending incipient inflation. Exchange rate stability concerns seem to have led other countries to follow U.S. inflation policy even after the demise of Bretton Woods. Thus policy mistakes in the U.S., coupled with the U.S. role as a leader in setting inflationp olicy, contributed to a large number of inflation starts in OECD countries in the 1960s and 1970s."

          What Starts Inflation: Evidence from the OECD Countries
          Author(s): John F. Boschen and Charles L. Weise
          Source: Journal of Money, Credit and Banking, Vol. 35, No. 3 (Jun., 2003), pp. 323-349. You can find it in Jstor.

          http://www.jstor.org/stable/3649835

          Alice July 15th, 2009 at 16:27 | #42 Reply excuse spelling mistakes above

          rog July 15th, 2009 at 16:30 | #43 Reply I thought it was more a system that relied heavily on sophisticated models had collapsed.

          And it was the collective view of the majority of academics and economists that everything was A-OK

          "I do not know anyone who predicted this course of events. This should give us cause to reflect on how hard a job it is to make genuinely useful forecasts. What we have seen is truly a 'tail' outcome – the kind of outcome that the routine forecasting process never predicts. But it has occurred, it has implications, and so we must reflect on it" (RBA 2008).

          jquiggin July 15th, 2009 at 16:33 | #44 Reply Rog, while the nature of the crisis was such as to make it impossible to predict in detail, there was a substantial group of economists (admittedly, as you say, a minority) who pointed to both the unsustainability of imbalances in the global economy and the dangers of a breakdown in the financial system.

          Alice July 15th, 2009 at 16:37 | #45 Reply If history is any guide JQ, when the wealthy are making large stock market profits, minority group economists with substantially sound advice not only dont get listened to…they often get pilloried by the press.

          S. Haines July 15th, 2009 at 19:16 | #46 Reply Alice

          Your data confirms my own rusty memory. Between 1965 and 1970, US inflation experienced once of its biggest break outs in history increasing by nearly 300%. The official US and OECD figures confirm inflation going from 1.5% to 5.5%

          S. Haines July 15th, 2009 at 19:19 | #47 Reply And in Australia the breakout started even earlier in 1963.

          Alice July 15th, 2009 at 21:17 | #48 Reply @S. Haines
          Im dont think you can add or just average two years of inflation rates to come up with 300% (it is indexed to a base year) growth. You should actually use the original index. The inflation I was referring declined from your peak of 5.5% before rising again to a peak of 12.3% in 1974 declined and rose again to peak at almost 15% in 1980. There are three distinct peaks – the latter two larger (1970s and 1980s). We are at odds in our views depending on whether you see the first peak as part of the two larger ones. It would be interesting to compare to other countries. Was it inflation really at 5.5%?? Then the question is where were the appropriate Keynesian restraints? The Vietnam war and labour constraints (manufacturing wage rises had started) may have indicated the need for some constraint and that is the point I was making.

          Notwithstanding, I dont see the more severe inflation of the 70s decade and 1980 as a "failure of Keynesian Policy" which was your original point. I mentioned Nixons largest budget deficit in US history (to that time) in 1971 – now that is hardly a fiscal contraction is it?? Three years later inflation was between 10% and 12% depending on what month you want – either way that is more sinister than a 5% rate. What I see was actually see here is a "failure to administer Keynesian policy" not a "failure of Keynesian policy."

          The details of individual inflation rates also depend on the month selected which can differ substantially but notwithstanding, there are three distinct peaks between 1966 and 1980 (and in between falls).

          http://inflationdata.com/inflation/Inflation_Rate/HistoricalInflation.aspx?dsInflation_currentPage=3

          Tony G July 15th, 2009 at 22:09 | #49 Reply Ernestine

          I was just making the observation that Warren Buffet thought EMH was crap and that he was glad business schools churned out lots of graduates willing to apply EMH to their investments so he could succesfully apply his theory to their investments as well.

          Hence his quote;

          " I'd be a bum on the street with a tin cup if the markets were always efficient ."

          ,

          Ernestine Gross July 16th, 2009 at 08:20 | #50 Reply Tony G, # 49, and somebody may have also said that some business schools don't penalise students who don't reference their quotes.

          Except for the possible interest of your #49 for #1, we are getting off topic.

          Damien Morris July 16th, 2009 at 15:50 | #51 Reply The Efficient Markets Hypothesis is a bit like the notion of water finding its own level; it does, but that does not help you survive intermittent tsunamis.

          S.Haines July 17th, 2009 at 18:31 | #52 Reply Alice

          Your point about "failure to administer Keynesian policy" actually agrees with my position that Keynesian ceased to be the governing policy paradigm years before 1973. And my stats on inflation are indeed correctly used. So we had monetary policy taking over in the states in the 1960s, and an end to the so-called "Long Boom" nearly a decade earlier than is often claimed.

          Alice July 17th, 2009 at 19:23 | #53 Reply S.Haines – I would agree entirely with that – the demise of Keynesian policy was probably in part to blame for the end of the long boom and the beginning of the downward slide…Monetarism sacrificed employment for the benefit of a low inflation environment which primarily rewards the wealthy. The dogma of the benefits of a low inflation environment have been pursued, and promoted, no matter what the cost to employment and indeed the employed have been sacrificed on this alter of false worship.

          It is this one eyed view in policy I find abhorrent. Unemployment (and underemployment and increasingly marginal employment) has been used to keep inflation low (and increasingly it has needed higher and higher unemployment (real not published) to perpetuate the myth that low inflation is good.

          The federal reserve banks have effectively taken over management of economic policy and its all about one single statistic.

          Alice July 17th, 2009 at 19:27 | #54 Reply I simply dispute one comment S.Haines …and that is "nearly a decade before it is claimed". At most it is half a decade.

          S.Haines July 17th, 2009 at 19:58 | #55 Reply As I said my economic history is rusty, but to what extent could Australia and the UK have described as "Keynesian" at any time during the Long Boom?

          Alice July 17th, 2009 at 20:07 | #56 Reply I dont know why you would ask that S.haines. The pursuit of full employment (and the attainment) – the rapid response to crises like the wool spike were particularly Keynesian. The budget was used frequently as a method of control.

          Alice July 17th, 2009 at 20:12 | #57 Reply @S.Haines
          S.Haines – you only need look at the percentage of Govt investment in the economy (not welfare – it was very small and not needed) in this country in the 1940s and 1950s to see the impact of Keynesian policies at work. Im very surprised at your comment and seriously hope you arent intending to dispute the existence of keynesian policies during the long boom because I woul have to put you firmly in the denialist out tray if you are…

          S.Haines July 17th, 2009 at 20:44 | #58 Reply I would be interested to see these figures. Given the mess you made with inflation, perhaps we both really need to have a look.

          Alice July 17th, 2009 at 21:03 | #59 Reply Mess S.Haines ?? You are obviously in the business of spreading misinformation. If you were any genuine economist or reseaarcher (shame about your rusty memory – I suspect you never had any economic history to start with and barely economics either) you would know that inflation depends on the month, which can vary over the year and as for your figures you dont even understand that you cant add or divide annual inflation rates….end of discussion. Waste of space and arguments…just another right wing delusionist.

          Alice July 17th, 2009 at 21:15 | #60 Reply What I really dont understand is why people like S.haines bother to lie and make false arguments about history. This generation has all the facts at their fingertips in the electronic world but they would rather subscribe to a two bit political machine's political rag of misinformation and garbage (and I dont care what party it is – its all still rubbish). All I can think is that they dont know how to research or how to look up the facts and the correct information (and they damn well have it so easy compared to when I was a student).
          Its an insult to any thinking person to have to deal with them.

          SeanG July 17th, 2009 at 23:22 | #61 Reply Alice,

          I am a little shocked at your cavalier attitude towards inflation. This destroys the value of the least well to do – those who receive a fixed income like pensioners or the unemployed. Historically it has torn apart countries with great examples being Germany and Bolivia.

          Alice July 18th, 2009 at 08:02 | #62 Reply Sean G – so does high unemployment

          S.Haines July 18th, 2009 at 23:57 | #63 Reply

          Alice

          I am surprised that you still fall for these "Keynesian Long Boom" and "Golden Age" fairy tales. I also believe very strongly in evidence based analysis and discussions. So here's a few more for you.

          1. During the 1950s and 1960s, Australian governments did not pursue the sort of active expansionary Keynesian fiscal policies you claim. There was the horror budget of 1951-52, for example.

          2. On average, budgets were in SURPLUS, and when there were deficits, they were tiny. The big deficits did not come until the 1970s.

          3. In fact, successive governments showed more sensitivity to monetarey policy, fuelled by bureacrats obssessed with inflation more than fiscal expansion, hence the legendary credit squeezes of the early 1950s and 1960s. The latter nearly lost Menzies the election.

          4. In fact by the early 1960s, policy unequivocally shifted from any pretence to growth and full employment to price control and stability – inflation being the number one policy objectivity. I have already presented the data to explain why.

          5. Your claims about government investment are like your others, without data, and are just wrong. For starters being 1950 and 1973, Australian GDP growth was below the OECD average the entire time, compared with being near the top of the OECD for the whole of 1880 to 1950. In fact, during the 1950s and 1960s, government outlays as a % of GDP average only 20%, compared to 30% during the 1970s and 1980s.

          6. Given that Australia had one of the largest immigration programs in the world, when we look at GDP per cpaita, Australia becomes a basket case relatively. In the 1950s, our GDP per capita growth was a measley 1.7%, compared to the OECD average, which was nearly double at 3.3%. In the 1960s, we gained a bit to 3.2%, but still way behind the 3.9% average.

          7. Any "boom" Australia did experience was ironically due to good old fashioned liberalism; the liberalisation of global trade in the post-war era accounts for a huge amount of Australian growth and prosperity.

          Alice, I get the impression you are a teacher of some sort. What do you teach, and where do you get your materials? And where have you picked up all these myths about Keynes and Australian economic history?

          Alice July 19th, 2009 at 00:14 | #64 Reply Oh for goodness sake S.haines. The horror budget you refer to corrected the inflationary Korean war wool boom within a year (alongisde the crash in the wool price). What part of keynesian contractionary budgets dont you understand …or did you think Keynesian policy only expanded indefinitely? I think you have confused Keynesian policy with Greenspan style policies. You havent lived long enough S.Haines and its obvious.
          Look up Govt investment S.Haines as a percentage of GDP in the 1950s – tell me what do you see?
          Ill look it up tomorrow for you S.Haines but Im too tired tonight to deal with this nonsense.

          Alice July 19th, 2009 at 00:15 | #65
          And S.Haines…its none of your business where I work and its none of my business where you work and I dont ask you (and I dont care) so dont overstep the mark.
          Alice July 19th, 2009 at 00:24 | #66
          Liberlaim also wasmnt even in the vocabulary in 1950s S.Haines (unfortunately for you). Liberalism is a sham dogma for young liberals to read instead of the bible (sign of the times) but they would be far better off with the latter in terms of social usefulness.

          Alice July 19th, 2009 at 00:26 | #67
          Correction to above – "liberalism wasnt even in the vocabulary in the 1950s S.Haines".

          S.

          Haines July 19th, 2009 at 00:31 | #68
          ROFL. That would have been news to Bob Menzies!! On your other points, I have provided arguments and data. Now, it is your turn.

          SeanG July 19th, 2009 at 04:43 | #69
          Liberalism a sham dogma? Freedom for individuals is a shame? Opening opportunties such as voting rights is considered a sham? How about the Old Age Pension which was introduced in the UK by a Liberal Government. This Government acted like a beta test for the Australian Liberals. Liberalism has been a guiding light for humanity compared to socialism which has delivered stagnant economies and societies and being the precursor to a more authoritarian state.

          jquiggin July 19th, 2009 at 06:57 | #70
          Can we cool things down a bit, please. S. Haines, I can't say I'm convinced by your claims here. Alice is exactly right about the horror budget for example, and more generally, you seem to be conflating Keynesian demand management with budget deficits. But if you have references to published work dating the end of the long boom to the early 60s, or official statements on a shift away from reliance on fiscal policy, I'd be keen to see them.

          Alice July 19th, 2009 at 15:33 | #71
          S.haines doesnt distinguish between Government investment and Government welfare outgoings either. In the 1950s Govt social capital investment was high and government unemployment benefits payments were extremely extremely low. The expenditure of public authorities was approximately equal to private investment in fixed capital throughout the 1950s, Funny about that. Public authorities (as opposed to the public committees that proliferate today) created jobs so that people didnt need their hand out for welfare but there is no distinction able to be made by S.Haines who cant see the link between high unemployment today and the expectation that private investment would see it trickle down. It didnt and it wont adequaltely in this country. In addition investment in stocks was a very small part of GDP 1950s, unlike today where the speculative component of investemnt has been mistaken for production in a real sense and allowed to run over to far too large a part of the economy (financial services sector). This is not sound economic management but I doubt certain so called economic liberals in this blog would see any of this. The simple view that "govt is bad and private = good" is all that they are capable of arguing by whatever blinkered means possible.

          SeanG July 19th, 2009 at 17:31 | #72
          Alice,

          You bring up an interesting point. During the era of full employment the government employed a lot of people which kept welfare payments low. However, what is the difference between welfare payments and employing people for the sake of employing them? If employing someone to do a non-existant job is social capital investment, is that nothing more than welfare under a different guise?

          Alice July 19th, 2009 at 18:03 | #73
          The difference is the idea of the Keynesian injection Sean (G). It has a multiplier effect and it expands GDP much like the budget deficits are doing now – but back then in the 1950s the idea of Government investment in the economy had not yet come to be derided by the extreme economic liberals amongst us (who I prefer to be classified under their real name of those who subscribe to laissez faire beliefs, who were always with us and always will be with us – if only for the betterement of a few powerful groups amongst us, if not all of us..and the foolishness of the laissez faire economics view is that in the long run, the market will sort it out without any government presence and the choice of the individual becomes all powerful. It just doesnt work (the choice of large merged oligopolistic and monopolistic enterprises becomes all powerful until they disturb and fracture the very foundations of democracy and erode the choice of the individual a say in how and by whom they are governed…thus it becomes self defeating to the liberal view) and those who subscribe to it unquestionly in the name of "liberalism" do us all harm…and their party of choice…. and themselves. Even the US Govt was still investing heavily in the US economy in social capital and infrastructure in the 1950s and this was considered the home of liberalism dont forget).

          Any growth in GDP must carry the majority in an economy with it, Sean G , for maximum effect (economic welfare maximisation). A divided society (a growing tail left beind) will ultimately correct itself and sometimes unpleasantly. Despite how much economic liberals may want to see those people as lazy or bereft of the necessary skills for satisfying employment, you leave them behind at all of our peril. It is in all of our interests to keep these numbers of unemployed to a minimum by enuring there is sufficient investment for job creation (be it public or private).

          SeanG July 19th, 2009 at 18:58 | #74
          Alice,

          There is a debate as to the size of the multiplier effect. The problem with the idea of full employment is that it does not place resources – labour – to their most productive use. That is one reason why in the 1970s-1990s there was a wave of large scale privatisations to break down unproductive and inefficient public sector entities. Examples include the use of Six Sigma to minimise variations in production, 20-70-10 pioneered by General Electric's Jack Welch, the general "profit maximisation" goal and remuneration incentives.

          The next problem is that welfare maximisation as a "right" creates a corresponding obligation on others. For everyone who is employed in an unproductive manner can only be employed by taking money away in the form of taxes by someone else. The concept of "idleness" has long bothered economists and politicians (including socialists).

          Liberalism in the 1950s grew from the experiences of both WW2, the Great Depression and pre-Depression post-WW1 political economy. That is why Menzies promoted the middle class and free enterprise but wanted a strong social net. Liberalism is an organic belief that changes with society and it has swung back to free markets due to the brief 20-30 year experience of big government within a democracy.

          Donald

          Oats July 19th, 2009 at 19:35 | #75
          Six Sigma Blackbelts, they karate-chopped big businesses into small businesses. Well, maybe not, I just felt like saying that. The difficulty with six sigma is that not every business has a production function that is easily measurable in a manner meaningful to the goals of the business. Take a software firm and six-sigma it at your peril. A six-sigma hatchet job risks throwing out some of the important informal practices – having an impromptu brainstorm upon a free whiteboard for example – and replacing them with overburdened formal practices. Pre-six-sigma, a question concerning how a piece of networking software handled certain conditions might have been answered by a couple of s/w techies wandering down to the local computer store, buying a couple of computers and other bits and pieces, and then jury-rigging it together and, well, just experimenting. A post-six-sigma corruption of this could simply freeze out initiative in the mistaken belief that skiving off to the IT store and building an informal testbed is an unproductive or uncontrolled task. To continue, so long as the results of the experiment are captured for posterity and are communicated effectively, it shouldn't be viewed in a negative light.
          Anyway, while it isn't impossible for six-sigma to add something beneficial, for a S/W chop shop it isn't necessarily the best tool for the job.

          As for Jack Welch, the 20-70-10 rule involved flushing of the 10% annually – pink slip time would have been a barrel of laughs at GE I'm sure. Wouldn't production have taken a hit as morale started reflecting the uncertainty of employment? Wouldn't people become secretive about expert knowledge that they possess, rather than sharing it with others to further the company interest?
          And in any case it is a rough way to look at headcount – oops, I mean fellow journeymen and women.

          Alice July 19th, 2009 at 19:59 | #76
          @SeanG

          Menzies also said "the people need protection from monopolies" Sean. Another idea sacrificed on the alter of liberalism (Goldman Sachs…gets big because they are brilliant, The grocery industry gets concentrated "because they are clever." Big oil and big pharma can teach us all a lesson about business intelligence…Im sure).

          But economic liberalism has chased very few with monopoly power in the past few decades Sean, to the extent the ordinary man is becoming impatient with lack of regulatory action by governments concerning monopoly market power.

          So Menzies wasnt liberal enough? Is that what you are telling me? Because now, no social net is positive to economic liberals (no social net at all…and correct me if I am wrong) and de-regulation ensures monopoly power grows and anti comptetitive practices grow unchecked, but its not our right to interfere?? Is that it?

          So what is really important is total unfettered freedom in markets with no government intervention or presence because the right of the individual rides over it all?

          Even Menzies views Sean

          What you also ignore also is the fact that a person who is "flexibly employed" ( and in many cases this may mean tenuously employed) lacks the "animal spirits" to spend freely in the economy (theirn confidence is sapped), deprived as they are of security of employment or tenure or a reasonable expectation that their work will continue and the ordinary man adjusts savings accordingly…to save for the lean times which are unknown at the point they decide to be more careful with their expenditure …and we all know savings is a leakage…so the mere unquestioning acceptance of NAIRU (and an ever upwardly adjusting NAIRU) with its concommitant acceptance of a higher "human labour force discard rate" becomes an escalating drag on the economy which then requires an even higher NAIRU to justify.

          SeanG July 19th, 2009 at 20:06 | #77
          Donald,

          Six Sigma is implemented in service as well as manufacturing firms. It is about variations in performance and output. Six Sigma does improve productivity and it can be applicable to government as well as private sector.

          With Welch's 20-70-10 all you have to do is look at the results of his time there to see the amazing growth in revenues and profitability. GE always prided itself on being candid which is something not replicated by other companies. After nearly 20 years of this type of practice, GE was the largest company in the world. So it looked like it worked.

          S.

          Haines July 19th, 2009 at 20:35 | #78
          Alice

          Let me give you a hint why Keyesianism itself was responsible for the inflationary breakouts in the 1960s. Keynesianism relied on hermetically-sealed national economies. In Ausstralia, it relied on US foreign investment to build big industry. The state provide protection for the development of monopoly industries like the car industry. The resulting government-created monopolistic production and competition among largely foreign capital within Australia was one of the causes of the inflationary breakout.

          SeanG July 19th, 2009 at 20:49 | #79
          Alice,

          A coupled of things.

          1) Monopolistic competition is a symptom of a lack of competition due to stringent regulation or the event where competition policy is not enforced. This is as much a problem during Keynesian economics than during the free market because if we look at the US economy as an example where you have a large number of very large companies you also see an amazing growth in smaller companies which compete and challenge the larger companies.

          Goldman Sachs, you bete noir, is one of two remaining Wall Street investment banks. Goldman gets competition from numerous other banks but employs the best people, has a culture that is about excellence so when they are challenged by other banks, hedge funds and private equity firms they adapt and survive while others like Bear or Lehman Bros can barely make it in a competitive environment. Schumpeter's "creative destructionism" at its best.

          2) Where did I say that Menzies was not liberal enough? Liberalism, as I have said, is organic which changes with the environment. It was the experience of the Liberal Party in the UK, the Depression and WW2 that lead to the liberals to adopt a very centrist position of free enterprise with a strong social safety net. You need to learn more about Liberal history.

          3) When has anyone said that total unfettered markets is the best way to go? Do you even read comments on this thread or make things up as you go along?

          S.Haines July 19th, 2009 at 21:00 | #80

          Alice

          How can you say "liberalism wasnt even in the vocabulary in the 1950s"? Follow this link and note the start date. Still waiting for your promised data.

          http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberal_Party_of_Australia

          S.Haines July 19th, 2009 at 21:07 | #81
          Alice

          Bob Hawke killed the Left in Australia, and Keating turned the ALP into the Australian Liberal Party.


          Michael of Summer Hill July 19th, 2009 at 21:32 | #82
          John, this is for dear Alice,

          It seems you were taught to work and play,
          Full of work and full of play,
          Have your say and let it out,
          Wright or wrong, let it out,
          Get up their nose and rub it in,
          They'll never forget dear Alice.

          Kevin Cox July 20th, 2009 at 06:41 | #83

          Markets are efficient. The so called Financial market as it is constructed is NOT a market. A market has the characteristic that as demand increases and supply cannot meet demand then prices rise so encouraging an increase in supply.

          So called financial markets are "markets" where as demand increases, prices rise but supply decreases. Similarly when demand decreases, prices drop but supply increases. This is not a market but a casino because the size of the price peaks and troughs are random when you have these positive feedback mechanisms in the "market place".

          Don't believe me? Our current situation is that the demand for money has increased, the price has dropped but the banks have difficulty lending money because the value of assets against which loans can be made has dropped and hence the supply of money has decreased.

          Also a system where inflation is tolerated and even targetted is flawed. How can we have an efficient market when the unit of measurement changes. It is like trying to keep to the speed limit when the unit of measurement, kms per hour changes in meaning, and we do not know what the change is until a couple of months after we have broken the speed limit.

          To stop the so called business cycle, to eliminate inflation, and to make financial true efficient markets then the "commodity" being traded – namely money – must follow the following rules.

          When the demand for money increases and price rises then the amount of money needs to be increased. When the demand for money decreases and the price drops the amount of money needs to be decreased.

          The solution. Stop using loans as the method to increase the money supply.

          Alice July 20th, 2009 at 09:44 | #84
          S.Haines – cause of inflationary breakout in the 1950s was due to not only excess demand in the Australian economy but excess demand in the US economy.

          We were not as hermetically sealed as you like to imagine. Yes we had surging import demand but export demand came first and rose more sharply, but its also no accident that the wool export price crashed the same quarter in the same year that the US announced price controls to manage their own inflationary outbreak and we developed a large BOP deficit (51-52). The Uk (30%) and US (21%) accounted for for 51% of our entire wool production in 1950-51. and that boost at those prices added substantial export demand and income to the economy before the wool price fell.

          If you look at growth in all the other price and wage indexes for the period, the growth in the export price index far outstrips their contribution and aligns directly with the period of high inflation in 1950-52.

          Alice July 20th, 2009 at 09:47 | #85
          How soon you forget Sean…the creative destruction of Goldman Sachs was prevented by a bailout of taxpayers funds.

          Alice July 20th, 2009 at 09:57 | #86

          I would also like to let S.haines know that according to the Economic Record Vol 1. which notes "practically all import restrictions lifted by this time…" next to 4th quarter, 1950.

          So much for your comment that Australia was "hermetically sealed" and the inflation was driven by big government monopolisation.

          S.Haines – it appears your memory of economic history is rusty after all.

          S.Haines July 20th, 2009 at 15:34 | #87
          Alice

          Vol. 1 of which year of ER?

          Alice July 20th, 2009 at 18:43 | #88
          1950-1960 (the decade) S.Haines. Private subscription published by ERA House Pty Ltd. It should be in the reference section.
          SeanG July 20th, 2009 at 21:59 | #89
          Very true, Alice.

          [Apr 07, 2015] Economists, financial markets and theory-induced blindness

          Idea of theory-induced blindness
          Institute for Financial Transparency

          In Transparency Games, I get to talk about how economists, both academic and those working for the financial regulators, have theory-induced blindness when it comes to how financial markets actually work.

          Theory-induced blindness is the application to economists of Upton Sinclair's line, "It is difficult to get a man to understand something, when his salary depends upon his not understanding it." For economists, it is reflected in their inability to see what is actually happening in the financial markets when it contradicts their beautifully derived theory.

          In talking about his idea of theory-induced blindness, Daniel Kahneman said

          The mystery is how a conception that is vulnerable to such obvious counterexamples survived for so long. I can explain it only by a weakness of the scholarly mind that I have often observed in myself. I call it theory-induced blindness: Once you have accepted a theory, it is extraordinarily difficult to notice its flaws. As the psychologist Daniel Gilbert has observed, disbelieving is hard work.

          The efficient market hypothesis (EMH) is the classic example of a theory that was widely accepted and, as a result, it became extraordinarily difficult for economists, both academic and those working for the financial regulators, to notice its flaws. Flaws that were revealed by the financial crisis.

          EMH looks at the issue of how financial market prices reflect the available information. EMH has 3 forms; the strongest of which asserts that even information that is hidden from most market participants is reflected in the price. EMH effectively says that even in the absence of transparency, prices reflect what would occur if transparency existed.

          For their original tests of the theory, economists chose the most transparent financial market in the world. A financial market which also just happens to have restrictions on insider trading. That market was the US stock market. Prices in this market confirmed the theory.

          Unfortunately, the US stock market is currently a special case. This was clearly shown by the financial crisis when the market for private label mortgage-backed securities effectively froze and the price for these securities dropped significantly (think from the 80s to the 20s). The price for these opaque securities on Day 1 didn't reflect their underlying fundamentals. Fundamentals which due to a lack of transparency the buyers did not have access to. Rather, the price buyers paid reflected the maximum price Wall Street could obtain based on the story it told about the underlying fundamentals. Wall Street had an incentive to maximize the price because it pocketed the difference between the price it sold the securities at and the price it paid for the mortgages it bundled into the securities.

          The financial crisis also showed that within the US stock market EMH did not hold for all stocks. In particular, it did not hold for bank stocks. Why? Given how they are paid, there is no reason to think that bankers would not try to maximize their compensation by hiding the losses sitting on and off their balance sheet. They could do this because, as the Bank of England's Andrew Haldane said, banks are black boxes.

          One of the benefits of the Transparency Label Initiative™ is it addresses theory-induced blindness when it comes to the EMH. Specifically, it ensures there is the transparency in the financial markets that the theory assumes is there.

          [Jan 12, 2015] Conflicts of Interest in Finance

          Cecchetti & Schoenholtz:

          Conflicts of Interest in Finance: ...Financial corruption ... is ... widespread... The corruption exposed in recent years is breathtaking in its scale, scope, and resistance to remedy. We have seen traders collude to manipulate LIBOR ... and the foreign exchange (FX) market... We have seen firms facilitate tax evasion and money laundering. We have seen financial behemoths taking concentrated risks that undermine their capital and their funding, threatening the financial system as a whole until they are bailed out by public support. And we have witnessed what are arguably the largest Ponzi schemes in history (see our earlier post).
          The policy response also has been wide-ranging. Congress enacted the most far-reaching financial reform since the 1930s. Regulators leaned on financial firms to diminish risk-taking incentives in their compensation schemes. Prosecutors, regulators and private litigants obtained ever-larger pecuniary settlements – the total since 2009 is now approaching $200 billion.
          Previously frustrated by the "too big to jail" taboo (following the 2002 collapse of Arthur Andersen), in 2014 prosecutors again moved beyond simply seeking monetary settlement without admission of guilt and charged a bank with criminal behavior. They are also pursuing individual traders in the LIBOR and FX scandals in the criminal courts. Finally, leading regulators are openly warning the largest U.S. institutions that a failure to improve their ethical culture could lead policymakers to seek a dramatic downsizing of their firms to ensure financial stability.
          So far, the most obvious response from the financial sector has been on the employment side: firms have hired or will hire thousands of compliance officers and risk managers to police the behavior of their employees (see here, here, and – if you have Wall Street Journal access – here).
          We will be delighted if these reforms work to reduce corruption dramatically, but we remain skeptical. ... What to do? The only major alternatives we see are either to break up large institutions into smaller ones with restricted scope, to hold individuals more accountable, or some mix of both. ... Our preferred approach emphasizes a version of the second remedy: hold managers collectively more accountable for the actions of their firm. ...
          One can hope that with their financial solvency really at stake, managers would become more aggressive in policing behavior inside of their organizations. Either that, or they will simply refuse to engage in activities where conflicts are most likely to arise. So much the better.
          Unfortunately, there exists no panacea for containing conflicts of interest. ...

          [I cut quite a bit from the original.]

          [Jan 11, 2015] Where Are The Friedmans Of Yesteryear

          January 10, 2015 | NYTimes.com

          I never got around to commenting on the infamous Economist list of influential economists; they've been given plenty of deserved grief, to which I needn't add. But I think I might have something useful to say about a fact that is really unmistakable when you look at a list corrected by removing central bankers, or make a more subjective judgment: these days, the economist as public intellectual is overwhelmingly likely to be a liberal.

          As Noah Smith says, it was not always thus. He argues that the field of economics has changed, with greater emphasis on market failures, and there's arguably something to that. I'd also argue that the descent of right-leaning macroeconomics into hermetic absurdity matters quite a lot, because macro looms larger in the public sphere than it does within the academy.

          But there's another important factor. Modern conservatism doesn't have Friedman-like figures - people who would be prominent economists thanks to their research whatever their politics, who are also public intellectuals– because it doesn't want them. The movement prefers hacks, who needn't be even minimally competent but can be counted on to defend the party line without any risk of taking an independent stand.

          Let me offer my own two short subjective lists. I think if you were going to name the two current econoheroes of U.S. liberals they would probably be Joe Stiglitz and yours truly. (Thomas Piketty has made a huge and well-deserved splash, but so far only on one issue.) The thing that is obvious about Joe is that before becoming a public figure with a political following he established his reputation with vast amounts of widely cited academic research; you can get a sense of what he did by looking at his top entries on Google Scholar. And here are mine.

          Now, who would be the conservative counterparts? Who gets cited by, say, Republican governors seeking authority for their tax cuts, or published on a regular basis on conservative opinion pages? I'd say Stephen Moore and Arthur Laffer. No point in looking them up on Google Scholar, although Laffer does show up, marginally, for a 1971 paper co-authored with Eugene Fama.

          And it's not as if Moore and Laffer are guys who may lack academic cred but have proved themselves as working analysts. On the contrary, they're guys who can't even cook numbers without screwing up, who have spent years telling us to get ready for soaring interest and inflation rates. But it doesn't matter; being right is not what they're paid for.

          So in trying to understand where the Milton Friedmans of yore have gone, you want to look at the demand side. The right lacks heavyweight economists with independent reputations partly because they are hard to find, but also because it doesn't want them. Only hacks need apply.

          More Piling On Cochrane

          Economist's View

          Barkley Rosser:

          More Piling On Cochrane: Why He Cannot Go Back To Being Taken Seriously Even About Asset Pricing: Oh, I cannot resist. Since his effort to dump on Keynesians in the WSJ, lots of people have been piling on John Cochrane, showing that nearly all his claims are not only laughingly bogus, but seriously unsupported even in his own column, such as failing even to mention a single supposedly Keynesian economist who forecast a return to recession as a result of budget sequestration, a centerpiece of his embarrassing column. A sampling can be found Mark Thoma's links for today at economistsview, sort of a Christmas Eve special.
          In any case, what caught my attention and is pushing me into the piling on as well is a remark Brad DeLong made in his post at the link entitled "Cochrane ought to simply say..." He suggests that Cochrane has made such a big fool of himself out of all this that he should just go back to working on asset pricing. I am going to argue that even in that arena, he has made a bit of a fool of himself and should also be ignored to some extent, even though he has a long and respectable publication record in the area.
          So, what is his problem? ...

          pgl said...

          Cochrane does better at finance (even though Barkley has point) than he doe at macroeconomics. On the latter - he really is clueless.


          pgl -> Darryl FKA Ron...

          Yep - Matt not understanding that the Great Recession led to higher transfer payments. We've asked Matt many times to read E. Cary Brown's 1954 AER paper on how to measure fiscal policy. Obviously he has not bothered to read that either. Too busy babbling on and on and on and on!

          Darryl FKA Ron -> pgl...

          Yeah, I know but usually I just scroll on by. It's the correct thing to do. THis comment on Rosser's article after his too dumb to even be in kindergarten comment yesterday just snagged my tripwire and set me off.

          Darryl FKA Ron said...

          "Why He (Cochrane) Cannot Go Back To Being Taken Seriously Even About Asset Pricing"

          [You cannot go BACK to where you have never been. OK, someone apparently has taken Cochrane seriously in the past. Sounds like a personal problem to me.]

          pgl said...

          Here is the gist of Barkley's post:

          "He is one of the leading figures in finance who has simply ignored dealing seriously with the phenomenon of "fat tails," more properly known as kurtosis (or even as leptokurtosis), which are widely known to be ubiquitous in many financial time series. This is more a subject for Nassim Taleb, although he pushes things further to talk about full-blown Keynesian-Knightian uncertainty that he calls "black swans," arguing that modeling fat tails is a matter of "grey swans" because we can estimate various probability distributions that show them, and that the crash of 2008 was obviously coming, whereas true black swan uncertainty involves there being no probability distribution at all."

          pgl said...

          Double bonus coverage. Dave Weigel notes that not only has the price of oil been falling but so has gold and silver prices. So those of you who follow investment advice from Glenn Beck - you're broke:

          http://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2014-12-24/this-christmas-be-grateful-you-didnt-put-all-your-money-in-oil-and-gold

          But go to that clip of Mitt the Twit Romney talking about how Republicans actually wanted fiscal stimulus. Really? Oh yea - they want lots and lots of war so military Keynesianism rules.

          Economist's View Links for 12-24-14

          pgl said...

          'I said that "Mr. Elmendorf's traditional economic views are too mainstream for those conservatives pining for the good old days of Reagan-era supply-side economics" and called him a "dead man walking" as far as his CBO position was concerned.'

          Elmendorf is a Republican but he is not a Laffer Curve nutcase. We did cut taxes during the Reagan years. The deficit mushroomed, real interest rates went up substantially, and investment demand fell as a result. During the Reagan-Bush41 era, real GDP grew by 3% per year as opposed to the 3.5% growth rate for the 1947-1980 period and the 3.6% rate during the Clinton years.

          Supply-side economics is junk science but thanks to the Republicans, the CBO will be just as plagued with junk science as the JCT currently is.

          pgl said...

          Frances Coppola calls John Cochrane the Gullible Economist:

          http://coppolacomment.blogspot.com/2014/12/the-gullible-economist.html

          Cochrane cites George Osborne as an economic expert? Seriously - it was one of the worst opeds ever. Coppola understands more about the UK economic performance since 2007 than Osborne and Cochrane combined. But then Osborne is not economist and one has to wonder why anyone would consider Cochrane to be one as well.

          Darryl FKA Ron -> pgl...

          "...But then Osborne is not economist and one has to wonder why anyone would consider Cochrane to be one as well."

          http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_H._Cochrane

          ...Career

          Cochrane received his Ph.D. in Economics from the University of California at Berkeley in 1986, after having obtained a B.S. in Physics from MIT in 1979 and having served as a junior economist on the Council of Economic Advisers (1984–1985). He was hired by the University of Chicago economics department in 1986 and moved to the business school in 1993.

          Cochrane has served as head of the National Bureau of Economic Research asset pricing group, and was the editor of the Journal of Political Economy from 1998 to 2003. He was elected Fellow of the Econometric Society in 2001, served as vice-president of the American Finance Association in 2008, and was elected president of this learned society for the 2010 term.

          [LOOK:

          From MIT physics to Berkeley economics during the Reagan years. The University of Chicago economics department to the business school in 1993. Head of the National Bureau of Economic Research **asset pricing group.** Vice-president of the American Finance Association in 2008, and was elected president of this learned society for the 2010 term.

          So, what does that all add up to? Seems prepped to work at a major hedge fund or investment bank or just serve as an academic shill for Wall Street.]

          pgl -> Darryl FKA Ron...

          An impressive resume. So what the hell happened to him? I guess the allure of supporting the wishes of rich people warped his brain.

          Roger Gathmann -> pgl...

          Well, I take that resume more as an x ray of economics as a discipline during the Great Moderation, when the field's center of gravity shifted towards the far right, and neo-Keynesianism of all things became the representative of the left. CVs are, after all, documents that represent norms first, and merit second.

          I like to think of the cvs of the major British physicians who, in the seventeenth and eighteenth century, were worried that British ship captains were copying the continental superstition of Dutch and Portugese sailors and stocking up on limes to prevent scurvy. This, the British establishment, well trained in humoral medicine, was useless. Bleeding, work, and vinegar were the ticket to correct humoral imbalances. David Wooton's excellent book,

          "Ships' captains had an effective way of preventing scurvy, but the doctors and the ships' surgeons persuaded the captains that they did not know what they were doing, and that the doctors and surgeons (who were quite incapable of preventing scurvy) knew better. Bad knowledge drove out good. We can actually see this happening. There is no letter from a ship's surgeon to his captain telling him to leave the lemons on the dock, but we do know that the Admiralty formally asked the College of Physicians for advice on how to combat scurvy. In 1740 they recommended vinegar, which is completely ineffectual, but now became standard issue on navy ships. In 1753 Ward's Drop and Pill also became standard issue."

          Standard medical history credits James Lind with being the first one to discover that lemons and limes prevented scurvy. Unfortunately, as Wooten points out, he soon retracted his advice, since he decided to treat the fruits in the best chemical fashion by boiling them, which dissipated the vitamin c, before giving them to scurvy patients. So he relapsed into advising bleeding and vinegar.
          But Lind's CV was excellent. So was that of the physician to the fleet, Sir William Cockburn, who in his textbook on Sea Diseases in 1736 spotted the true cause of scurvy: laziness! Whether in economics or medicine, the upper class's intellectuals have always had a sharp eye out of the essential laziness of the peasants. Sir William advised that the disease could be cured by making the patient work harder.
          I'm sure Sir William died content and believing his own bs completely. And why shouldn't he? Cochrane, with his excellent CV and his access to the higher media, will never have a reason to disbelieve his own theories, or the fact that the lower classes are incorrigibly lazy. He'll no doubt retire content with his work, and be honored by the American economics association for the huge advances he has made in our knowledge of economics. So it goes.
          Incidentally, it is estimated more British sailors died of scurvy in the 18th century than died in battle. So it goes with the poor tars, too.

          Julio -> Roger Gathmann...

          They probably had a saying "nobody loses his job by prescribing vinegar".

          Darryl FKA Ron -> pgl...

          "An impressive resume."

          *

          [Not my idea of it. I like Roger's take. Cochrane's resume is expressive of his love for the rentier culture and its artifacts. Likewise it is repressive of any tendency to humanity and higher moral motives. "Seems prepped to work at a major hedge fund or investment bank or just serve as an academic shill for Wall Street" is not my idea of impressive.]

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          Society

          Groupthink : Two Party System as Polyarchy : Corruption of Regulators : Bureaucracies : Understanding Micromanagers and Control Freaks : Toxic Managers :   Harvard Mafia : Diplomatic Communication : Surviving a Bad Performance Review : Insufficient Retirement Funds as Immanent Problem of Neoliberal Regime : PseudoScience : Who Rules America : Neoliberalism  : The Iron Law of Oligarchy : Libertarian Philosophy

          Quotes

          War and Peace : Skeptical Finance : John Kenneth Galbraith :Talleyrand : Oscar Wilde : Otto Von Bismarck : Keynes : George Carlin : Skeptics : Propaganda  : SE quotes : Language Design and Programming Quotes : Random IT-related quotesSomerset Maugham : Marcus Aurelius : Kurt Vonnegut : Eric Hoffer : Winston Churchill : Napoleon Bonaparte : Ambrose BierceBernard Shaw : Mark Twain Quotes

          Bulletin:

          Vol 25, No.12 (December, 2013) Rational Fools vs. Efficient Crooks The efficient markets hypothesis : Political Skeptic Bulletin, 2013 : Unemployment Bulletin, 2010 :  Vol 23, No.10 (October, 2011) An observation about corporate security departments : Slightly Skeptical Euromaydan Chronicles, June 2014 : Greenspan legacy bulletin, 2008 : Vol 25, No.10 (October, 2013) Cryptolocker Trojan (Win32/Crilock.A) : Vol 25, No.08 (August, 2013) Cloud providers as intelligence collection hubs : Financial Humor Bulletin, 2010 : Inequality Bulletin, 2009 : Financial Humor Bulletin, 2008 : Copyleft Problems Bulletin, 2004 : Financial Humor Bulletin, 2011 : Energy Bulletin, 2010 : Malware Protection Bulletin, 2010 : Vol 26, No.1 (January, 2013) Object-Oriented Cult : Political Skeptic Bulletin, 2011 : Vol 23, No.11 (November, 2011) Softpanorama classification of sysadmin horror stories : Vol 25, No.05 (May, 2013) Corporate bullshit as a communication method  : Vol 25, No.06 (June, 2013) A Note on the Relationship of Brooks Law and Conway Law

          History:

          Fifty glorious years (1950-2000): the triumph of the US computer engineering : Donald Knuth : TAoCP and its Influence of Computer Science : Richard Stallman : Linus Torvalds  : Larry Wall  : John K. Ousterhout : CTSS : Multix OS Unix History : Unix shell history : VI editor : History of pipes concept : Solaris : MS DOSProgramming Languages History : PL/1 : Simula 67 : C : History of GCC developmentScripting Languages : Perl history   : OS History : Mail : DNS : SSH : CPU Instruction Sets : SPARC systems 1987-2006 : Norton Commander : Norton Utilities : Norton Ghost : Frontpage history : Malware Defense History : GNU Screen : OSS early history

          Classic books:

          The Peter Principle : Parkinson Law : 1984 : The Mythical Man-MonthHow to Solve It by George Polya : The Art of Computer Programming : The Elements of Programming Style : The Unix Hater’s Handbook : The Jargon file : The True Believer : Programming Pearls : The Good Soldier Svejk : The Power Elite

          Most popular humor pages:

          Manifest of the Softpanorama IT Slacker Society : Ten Commandments of the IT Slackers Society : Computer Humor Collection : BSD Logo Story : The Cuckoo's Egg : IT Slang : C++ Humor : ARE YOU A BBS ADDICT? : The Perl Purity Test : Object oriented programmers of all nations : Financial Humor : Financial Humor Bulletin, 2008 : Financial Humor Bulletin, 2010 : The Most Comprehensive Collection of Editor-related Humor : Programming Language Humor : Goldman Sachs related humor : Greenspan humor : C Humor : Scripting Humor : Real Programmers Humor : Web Humor : GPL-related Humor : OFM Humor : Politically Incorrect Humor : IDS Humor : "Linux Sucks" Humor : Russian Musical Humor : Best Russian Programmer Humor : Microsoft plans to buy Catholic Church : Richard Stallman Related Humor : Admin Humor : Perl-related Humor : Linus Torvalds Related humor : PseudoScience Related Humor : Networking Humor : Shell Humor : Financial Humor Bulletin, 2011 : Financial Humor Bulletin, 2012 : Financial Humor Bulletin, 2013 : Java Humor : Software Engineering Humor : Sun Solaris Related Humor : Education Humor : IBM Humor : Assembler-related Humor : VIM Humor : Computer Viruses Humor : Bright tomorrow is rescheduled to a day after tomorrow : Classic Computer Humor

          The Last but not Least Technology is dominated by two types of people: those who understand what they do not manage and those who manage what they do not understand ~Archibald Putt. Ph.D


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          Last modified: March, 29, 2020